Thursday, 30 September 2021

Does Scott Morrison’s climate spin match his government’s record on emissions?

Extract from The Guardian

Temperature Check

Climate change

This is the first of a weekly column examining claims about climate change made by governments, politicians, business and in the media.

Two Adelie penguins at Cape Denison, Antarctica
Two Adelie penguins at Cape Denison, Antarctica. With little time before key Glasgow talks, the Morrison government is yet to announce a clear climate policy to stem global heating.

Last modified on Thu 30 Sep 2021 15.31 AEST

A little over a month before the start of a major climate conference in Glasgow, the Morrison government is struggling to agree on emissions reduction targets, and a promised long-term strategy to cut climate pollution has still not materialised.

But at least it has an advertising campaign.

Earlier this month, the government released the “Australia’s Making Positive Energy” website and a blitz of ads across multiple platforms. It’s already on your telly.

The idea is that Australia has a “strong track record and future plans to reduce our emissions,” the emissions reduction minister, Angus Taylor, said.

That strong track record may be news to some people. There’s also a catchphrase: “What we do today, will define our tomorrow.” Gas-fired recovery, anyone?

The campaign makes a big central claim about Australia’s record on emissions and – as this column is the first of a weekly exercise in checking the facts on climate change – let’s have a look.

Australia, the campaign says, has cut emissions by 20% since 2005 – a figure Taylor used when releasing the latest quarterly emissions report at the end of last month.

The big issue here is to know where across Australia’s economy those emissions falls have been happening and whether or not they relate to anything the government has actually done (because if it does relate to government policy, then that deserves praise).

The government’s own data show the vast majority of the falls are in the land-use sector where the federal government doesn’t make policy. When state governments have tried to control land clearing, this hasn’t been done to tackle greenhouse gas emissions, but to slow down habitat loss and erosion.

Taking away the effect of land-use change, the government’s claim that emissions have fallen 20% since 2005 becomes a less impressive 3%.

Emissions in the electricity sector – which account for about a third of Australia’s footprint – have dropped about 16% since 2005, from 196.9Mt to 164.1Mt.

But thanks mostly to the expansion of the nation’s massive LNG industry, emissions in the second-largest sector of stationary energy are rising. Transport emissions are also going up.

When Taylor announced the latest quarterly emissions report, he said if you excluded industries like LNG that are producing stuff for export then emissions had actually dropped by 38.3% since 2005.

This is like saying “if we hadn’t generated all these emissions then our emissions would be lower.” It’s disingenuous but in ALL CAPS.

Not included in the campaign is the Australian government’s “gas-fired recovery” from the Covid-induced economic slowdown or the $600m committed for a new gas plant.

Not in the promotion either are Morrison’s statements from only a year ago when he was saying things like “we’ve got to get the gas” and “gas is not only central to our industry plan, it’s also central to our energy plan.”

The International Energy Agency says there’s no room for any new fossil fuel developments if the world is to reach net zero by 2050.

Cow burps and seaweed

But also featured is asparagopsis – a red seaweed which the campaign says is a cattle “feed supplement that reduces the production of methane by more than 80% and has the potential to increase livestock productivity.”

The impression could be that the seaweed supplement already exists and the reduction potential is clear. But there is still a long way to go before this claim can hold water.

Beef and dairy cattle burp methane that’s produced in a part of their stomach when they digest their food.

The basis for the 80% figure is a study from earlier this year and it only applies to reducing methane from cattle while they’re in a feedlot (and can easily be fed the supplement), rather than over their lifespan.

Only about half the methane emitted by cattle comes while they are in a feedlot. For dairy cows that come in for daily milking, this is less of a problem.

The number of steers fed the dose of seaweed that delivered a reduction in methane of more than 80% numbered only six. A previous Australian trial that showed even higher methane-reducing potential of the supplement with a different breed of cattle subjected five steers to the dose delivering the very high reduction.

Future Feed, which holds the intellectual property for the supplement, tell me they are confident in the scientific results because results from each animal is a repetition of a previous result “so you can achieve the scientific rigour without the need for large scale trials”.

Future Feed expects “first adopters” to get a supply of the supplement by the end of this year or early next year.

A spokesperson said: “Currently, our science is applicable in the feedlot and we have a program to go into grazing that is under way and will span the next two years.”

The Morrison government has given $1m to scale up production of the seaweed which seems tiny considering the emissions reduction potential to the beef industry worldwide.

‘Lazy environment writers’

Former editor of the Australian Chris Mitchell, writing in his old newspaper, was annoyed at how the campaign had been reported, coming as it did when the UN’s climate science panel released its latest report, known as AR6.

According to Mitchell, “lazy environment writers” had reported the “political spin” from UN secretary general António Guterres that the report represented a “code red for humanity” but had ignored three facts he said were in it.

Let’s haul ourselves on to our lazybones.

Mitchell wrote that AR6 had “found little evidence of increasingly severe storms.” The report’s “summary for policymakers” has a section which reads:

The frequency and intensity of heavy precipitation events have increased since the 1950s over most land area for which observational data are sufficient for trend analysis (high confidence), and human-induced climate change is likely the main driver.

The report does say that data limitations make it hard to find past trends on a global scale for tropical cyclones – but points out studies have shown human-caused climate change puts more rainfall into cyclones.

Mitchell also interpreted the report as saying it had “toned down temperature forecasts”. Did it?

A headline figure for followers of these reports is what’s known as Equilibrium Climate Sensitivity - that is, the global warming you get if you were to allow the amount of CO2 in the atmosphere to double from pre-industrial times and then hit pause and let the climate settle into a new normal.

The previous IPCC report released in 2013 found ECS would be between 1.5C to 4.5C.

The latest report said the likely range would shave half a degree off the top end, but the lower end was now a whole degree warmer with ECS now at 2.5 to 4C. But the report also said it could not rule out ECS greater than 5C.

That’s hardly toning things down.

Newman’s temperature conspiracy

In the days after News Corp Australia’s campaign was confirmed, Newman wrote in The Daily Telegraph that BoM’s thermometers “are shamelessly located next to busy highways, airport runways, atop coal loaders, or anywhere that will ramp up temperatures to fit its climate change narrative.”

Considering Brisbane airport’s weather station was put there in 1929 and Mount Gambier’s has been there since 1941, it appears the bureau was either well ahead of its time in making its conspiracy plans, or the conspiracy doesn’t exist.

Darwin airport started recording maximum air temperatures in 1941 and has just recorded its hottest September day on record.

Electricity from Clive Palmer’s coal power station would cost four times current price, report says.

Extract from The Guardian

Waratah Coal’s Galilee plant cannot compete with new renewables, according to a Queensland Conservation Council analysis.

Protesters rally outside Clive Palmer’s Waratah Coal headquarters in Brisbane to oppose the coal-fired Galilee power station, September 2021
Protesters rally outside Clive Palmer’s Waratah Coal headquarters in Brisbane to oppose the coal-fired Galilee power station.

Last modified on Thu 30 Sep 2021 18.14 AEST

Electricity produced by Clive Palmer’s remote coal power station would be four times more costly than the current market price, an analysis commissioned by conservation groups claims.

Palmer’s company Waratah Coal has taken the unusual step of lodging a development application for the power station with the Barcaldine regional council, rather than the Queensland government.

While the mayor of Barcaldine has said that it is “peculiar” for a project worth $3.5bn to be left with local government, Waratah insists there is nothing unusual about the process. “This is absolutely a normal process,” a spokesperson for the company has said.

Steam billows from the cooling towers of a coal-fired power station

The company has had approval since 2013 to build a massive 40m tonne coalmine 30km north of the tiny town of Alpha – population 335 – and 450km west of Rockhampton.

While Waratah Coal has made no physical progress on the mine, the mining magnate’s company has drawn up plans for a 1.4GW coal-fired power station on an adjacent cattle station.

The Queensland planning minister and deputy premier, Steven Miles, has powers to “call in” the power station proposal. He has publicly expressed scepticism about the project, describing it as a “thought bubble”.

“I try to not get too worried about anything Clive says or does,” Miles told reporters last week.

“It was a while ago now he announced we’re to be getting a Titanic, we still don’t have a Titanic. It was a while ago he announced we’d be getting a dinosaur park, we still don’t have a dinosaur park.”

There is concern among conservation groups that seemingly uneconomic coal power proposals could be made viable by politically-loaded government policy, where subsidies or market concessions were offered on the basis the power generated would providing baseload capacity.

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The Queensland government says no additional coal-fired generation is needed in the state. Its own fleet of coal-fired power stations, the youngest in Australia, is facing an uncertain future and is forecast to stop paying dividends within two years.

The Queensland Conservation Council report into the Palmer proposal, seen by Guardian Australia, says the assessment documents significantly underestimate the cost to build such a power station.

Waratah Coal has put the cost of the project at $3.5bn. Using the Australian Market Energy Operator’s standard assumptions, the QCC analysis says the likely capital cost would be close to $6.4bn.

The analysis says the cost of power from the proposed Galilee power station would be about $1/kWh. The current market price in Queensland is 25c/kWh.

“In (the last) decade, the capital costs for solar and storage have more than halved, while finance costs for coal projects have increased around the globe. Projected electricity demand growth in Queensland evaporated and rooftop (solar) has massively changed the role for large-scale generation,” the Queensland Conservation Council report says.

“The Galilee power station could never compete with new renewables and storage on price.”

The QCC director, Dave Copeman, said the proposal anticipated Queensland consumers paying more for power and “possibly looking for federal government support to make the proposal feasible”.

He said Aemo reports made it clear Queensland has sufficient generation to guarantee supply until 2030, and that additional investment was planned in wind, solar, batteries and other storage.

“Queensland doesn’t need this power station, our premier has said we don’t need this power station, because it does not make economic or environmental sense for it to go ahead.”

The Queensland government has previously voiced opposition to new coal-fired power proposals on the basis they are not needed and could put the state’s existing stations out of commission – and their staff out of work – earlier than scheduled.

State-run power companies are already looking to potentially wind back coal generation, citing a rapid pivot in the energy market, the low cost of renewables and the difficulty running coal generators in a flexible manner.

Palmer was contacted for comment.

‘Green growth’ doesn’t exist – less of everything is the only way to avert catastrophe.

Extract from The Guardian

Opinion

Climate change

It is simply not possible to carry on at the current level of economic activity without destroying the environment.

A dead North Atlantic right whale washed up on a beach in New Brunswick, Canada.

‘Combined impacts are laying waste to entire living systems.’ A dead North Atlantic right whale washed up on a beach in New Brunswick, Canada.

Last modified on Thu 30 Sep 2021 02.28 AEST

There is a box labelled “climate”, in which politicians discuss the climate crisis. There is a box named “biodiversity”, in which they discuss the biodiversity crisis. There are other boxes, such as pollution, deforestation, overfishing and soil loss, gathering dust in our planet’s lost property department. But they all contain aspects of one crisis that we have divided up to make it comprehensible. The categories the human brain creates to make sense of its surroundings are not, as Immanuel Kant observed, the “thing-in-itself”. They describe artefacts of our perceptions rather than the world.

Nature recognises no such divisions. As Earth systems are assaulted by everything at once, each source of stress compounds the others.

Take the situation of the North Atlantic right whale, whose population recovered a little when whaling ceased, but is now slumping again: fewer than 95 females of breeding age remain. The immediate reasons for this decline are mostly deaths and injuries caused when whales are hit by ships or tangled in fishing gear. But they’ve become more vulnerable to these impacts because they’ve had to shift along the eastern seaboard of North America into busy waters.

Cutting machines developed for deep-sea mining.

Their main prey, a small swimming crustacean called Calanus finmarchicus, is moving north at a rate of 8km a year, because the sea is heating. At the same time, a commercial fishing industry has developed, exploiting Calanus for the fish oil supplements falsely believed to be beneficial to our health. There’s been no attempt to assess the likely impacts of fishing Calanus. We also have no idea what the impact of ocean acidification – also caused by rising carbon dioxide levels – might be on this and many other crucial species.

As the death rate of North Atlantic right whales rises, their birthrate falls. Why? Perhaps because of the pollutants accumulating in their bodies, some of which are likely to reduce fertility. Or because of ocean noise from boat engines, sonar, and oil and gas exploration, which may stress them and disrupt their communication. So you could call the decline of the North Atlantic right whale a shipping crisis, or a fishing crisis, or a climate crisis, or an acidification crisis, or a pollution crisis, or a noise crisis. But it is in fact all of these things: a general crisis caused by human activity.

Or look at moths in the UK. We know they are being harmed by pesticides. But the impact of these toxins on moths has been researched, as far as I can discover, only individually. Studies of bees show that when pesticides are combined, their effects are synergistic: in other words, the damage they each cause isn’t added, but multiplied. When pesticides are combined with fungicides and herbicides, the effects are multiplied again.

Simultaneously, moth caterpillars are losing their food plants, thanks to fertilisers and habitat destruction. Climate chaos has also knocked their reproductive cycle out of sync with the opening of the flowers on which the adults depend. Now we discover that light pollution has devastating effects on their breeding success. The switch from orange sodium streetlights to white LEDs saves energy, but their wider colour spectrum turns out to be disastrous for insects. Light pollution is spreading rapidly, even around protected areas, affecting animals almost everywhere.

Combined impacts are laying waste to entire living systems. When coral reefs are weakened by the fishing industry, pollution and the bleaching caused by global heating, they are less able to withstand the extreme climate events, such as tropical cyclones, which our fossil fuel emissions have also intensified. When rainforests are fragmented by timber cutting and cattle ranching, and ravaged by imported tree diseases, they become more vulnerable to the droughts and fires caused by climate breakdown.

What would we see if we broke down our conceptual barriers? We would see a full-spectrum assault on the living world. Scarcely anywhere is now safe from this sustained assault. A recent scientific paper estimates that only 3% of the Earth’s land surface should now be considered “ecologically intact”.

The various impacts have a common cause: the sheer volume of economic activity. We are doing too much of almost everything, and the world’s living systems cannot bear it. But our failure to see the whole ensures that we fail to address this crisis systemically and effectively.

When we box up this predicament, our efforts to solve one aspect of the crisis exacerbate another. For example, if we were to build sufficient direct air capture machines to make a major difference to atmospheric carbon concentrations, this would demand a massive new wave of mining and processing for the steel and concrete. The impact of such construction pulses travels around the world. To take just one component, the mining of sand to make concrete is trashing hundreds of precious habitats. It’s especially devastating to rivers, whose sand is highly sought in construction. Rivers are already being hit by drought, the disappearance of mountain ice and snow, our extraction of water, and pollution from farming, sewage and industry. Sand dredging, on top of these assaults, could be a final, fatal blow.

The trillions in our pension pots could be key to tackling the climate crisis
Richard Curtis

Or look at the materials required for the electronics revolution that will, apparently, save us from climate breakdown. Already, mining and processing the minerals required for magnets and batteries is laying waste to habitats and causing new pollution crises. Now, as Jonathan Watts’s terrifying article in the Guardian this week shows, companies are using the climate crisis as justification for extracting minerals from the deep ocean floor, long before we have any idea of what the impacts might be.

This isn’t, in itself, an argument against direct air capture machines or other “green” technologies. But if they have to keep pace with an ever-growing volume of economic activity, and if the growth of this activity is justified by the existence of those machines, the net result will be ever greater harm to the living world.

Everywhere, governments seek to ramp up the economic load, talking of “unleashing our potential” and “supercharging our economy”. Boris Johnson insists that “a global recovery from the pandemic must be rooted in green growth”. But there is no such thing as green growth. Growth is wiping the green from the Earth.

We have no hope of emerging from this full-spectrum crisis unless we dramatically reduce economic activity. Wealth must be distributed – a constrained world cannot afford the rich – but it must also be reduced. Sustaining our life-support systems means doing less of almost everything. But this notion – that should be central to a new, environmental ethics – is secular blasphemy.

  • George Monbiot is a Guardian columnist

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The climate crisis has sparked an economic arms race – and Australia cannot afford to stay idle.

Extract from The Guardian

Opinion

New South Wales

Matt Kean

Australia should not be a climate laggard at Glasgow. We should be leading the world and encouraging every other country to increase their climate ambitions.

The Port Kembla steelworks
‘The vast majority of Australia’s major trading partners aim to achieve net-zero emissions by 2050.’

Last modified on Wed 29 Sep 2021 16.24 AEST

As world leaders prepare to meet in Glasgow in November for international climate talks, the race is on to protect our planet and our way of life.

The UN’s international panel on climate change makes clear that we need to reduce our emissions to net zero by 2050.

Most of the world’s advanced economies are responding with bold emission reduction targets. The UK, US and Germany, for example, have all set interims targets above 50%.

The vast majority of Australia’s major trading partners aim to achieve net-zero emissions by 2050.

What we are witnessing, however, is more than a race to achieve environmental goals, as non-negotiable as they are.

An economic arms race to capture the next generation of investment, resource projects, exports, jobs and innovation is unfolding across the world.

NSW wants to be at the front of the queue, positioning our state as both a renewable energy superpower and an economic powerhouse for the decades ahead.

Matt Kean, the NSW minister for energy and environment.

Matt Kean, the NSW minister for energy and environment. Photograph: Joel Carrett/AAP

Just 18 months ago, NSW set a target of 35% emission reductions from 2005 levels by 2030. Now we are going further and lifting our 2030 target to 50%.

Alongside our commitment to achieve net zero by 2050, these two goals will shepherd the market and drive government action.

NSW has the confidence to be bold, knowing there is clear capacity to attract the finance, technology and innovation needed to reduce emissions. And the best evidence of this is that we not only have a 2030 target, but also a plan that is projected to get us there.

The cost of low-emissions technology is falling and the appetite of investors to direct capital towards it is growing.

Over the past 10 years, the cost of generating electricity from wind has fallen by around 50% and from solar by 85%. The cost of lithium-ion batteries have fallen 85%. Hydrogen fuel cell production has dipped 60% since 2006.

No wonder international capital has made its call. Bloomberg estimates that assets under management that are tailored to meet environmental, social and governance goals could reach $53 trillion by 2025.

Meanwhile, international and domestic financial regulators want banks to measure climate risk. The European Union and the US are contemplating climate tariffs on laggard nations.

The federal treasurer, Josh Frydenberg, spoke last week of the “structural and systemic shift in our financial system”, warning that unless Australia moves on climate policy, borrowing costs will increase across the domestic economy.

He also magnified a nuance often lost in the debate – industries like resources, manufacturing and agriculture can be winners as the economy, supply chains and export markets evolve.

These trends are now embedded. They change the dynamics of climate policy. Acting once carried an inherent cost to the economy – even if environmental goals were irresistible.

The real risks now lie in staying idle. Policy stagnation neglects the economic and environmental costs – as we witnessed with bushfires two years ago that devastated both natural ecosystems and regional economies.

Inertia sacrifices the capacity for domestic businesses to cultivate their climate credentials and access global demand for low emissions goods and services.

NSW will meet the moment and harness the mix of investment demand, household action, industry transformation and technological change.

Over the past two years, the NSW government has regeared our policy, regulatory and financial settings to spur the green energy revolution and seize an enduring economic dividend.

NSW has the biggest legislated renewable energy policy in the nation’s history.

It will create over 9,000 jobs and attract more than $32bn in private investment, largely in regional areas.

Co-investment with industry will smooth the move to low-emissions technologies among our largest industrial businesses.

NSW will meet the moment and harness the mix of investment demand, household action, industry transformation and technological change.

Small business and households will reap the benefits of cheap, reliable and clean energy, too, with average residential users poised to yield annual savings of around $130 and small businesses around $430 each year.

Five renewable energy zones are being created in our regions to combine renewable energy generation, storage such as batteries, and the transmission networks to reach homes, businesses and industries.

These modern-day power stations represent a trifecta of good policy – jobs and investment for the regions, affordable and reliable power to service the economy, and creation of new income streams for landowners.

NSW is also powering the shift to electric vehicles, tapping into surging global markets for their manufacture, and providing the renewable energy needed to service them.

The collective action of the public and private sectors is placing a new green premium on the table.

Australia should not be a climate laggard at Glasgow. We should be leading the world and encouraging every other country to increase their climate ambitions.

That is the right thing to do for our environment and the right thing to do for our economy.

No generation owns our planet, our country or our state – we simply hold it for generations yet to come – and the way each generation is judged is whether we leave things better than the way we found them. Our commitment to halve our emissions by 2030 while growing our economy shows this generation has everything it needs to be judged well.

  • Matt Kean is the NSW minister for energy and environment

Emission pledges by states put extra pressure on Scott Morrison to lift national climate goals.

 Extract from The Guardian

Experts say state and territory commitments put net zero within reach whereas the federal target is nowhere near it.

Australian prime minister Scott Morrison
State climate targets could deliver a 34% cut in national greenhouse gas emissions, prompting calls for the Morrison government to lift its 26-28% target.

Last modified on Thu 30 Sep 2021 03.32 AEST

Australian states could deliver at least a 34% cut in national greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 based on existing pledges, prompting calls for the Morrison government to lift its climate goals.

New South Wales on Wednesday became the third state to set a target of cutting emissions roughly in half by the end of the decade compared with 2005 levels, in line with what scientists say is necessary for the developed world to live up to the goals of the Paris agreement.

NSW and South Australia have both set targets to reduce emissions by 50% by 2030, while Victoria has set a 45-50% range. The biggest emitting state, Queensland, has a 30% target.

Malcolm Turnbull addresses the National Press Club

If all were to meet their goals and other states and territories kept emissions at 2019 levels, Australia would comfortably surpass the Morrison government’s target of a 26-28% cut, reaching at least 34%. The national cut would be deeper if Western Australia and the Northern Territory set targets to reverse significant rises in their emissions over the past 15 years – up 21% and 47% respectively before Covid-19 hit – due to expanding fossil fuel developments.

Analysts contrasted the commitment by the NSW Coalition with its federal counterpart, which remains divided over whether to adopt a net zero emissions target for 2050 or increase its 2030 goal before the Cop26 climate conference in Glasgow in a month.

Bill Hare, chief executive and senior scientist with Climate Analytics, said it would “clearly put a lot of pressure on the Morrison government”, which has not introduced policies to significantly reduce emissions from electricity, industry or transport.

“It shows the majority of Australians support doing more than the federal government,” Hare said.

He said all states needed to do more to play their part in the world limiting global heating to 1.5C, but it was “a good start”.

“It does put getting to net zero by 2050 within striking distance, whereas the national target is nowhere near it,” he said.

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But some in the National party remain opposed. The Queensland National Llew O’Brien told Guardian Australia: “Until I see a plan that guarantees no increased cost of living pressures for regional Australians and businesses, energy reliability for domestic and commercial energy users and does not negatively affect resources industry jobs – both direct and indirect – I’m not in support of signing onto a net carbon neutral by 2050 agreement.”

Ken O’Dowd, who holds the Queensland seat of Flynn, said net zero was not a big issue in his electorate. He said it was “really a question for industry, not politicians” because private operators would ultimately make the transition. “It is really industry we need to consult with to see what we should be doing,” O’Dowd said. “We have got a big discussion on our hands, and we have to consider things like nuclear energy as part of that discussion.”

The more ambitious NSW commitment was based on updated emissions projections that suggested it was already on track to achieve a 47-52% emissions cut by 2030. It coincided with a report by the Beyond Zero Emissions thinktank that suggested green export industries could be worth triple the value of today’s fossil fuels by 2050 if the country acted swiftly.

Matt Kean, the NSW energy and environment minister, told rightwing broadcaster Sky News that Matt Canavan and others who cited the price of coal on global markets as a reason for Australia not to cut emissions were “not living in the real world”, citing the case of Kodak, which crashed after failing to capitalise on the hunger for digital photography.

Hare said the state government had recognised that acting on the climate crisis was now about grasping the opportunity to create industries that would thrive in a low-emissions world, and not be left behind. “I think that’s a very strong message that’s really resonating,” he said.

He said it would also put pressure on other states. “Any suggestion in Western Australia of a 2030 target that has emissions above its 2005 levels would be rightly viewed as completely unfair,” he said.

Scott Morrison

Rebecca Mikula-Wright, the chief executive of the Investor Group on Climate Change, said the eastern state pledges aligned with changes under way on global capital markets, putting those jurisdictions in line with “our major trading partners in the G20, including the US, Japan, Canada and the European Union”.

“The emerging gap between Australia’s current national 2030 emissions targets and mainstream global investor practice, and company commitments to action, is a concern to institutional investors,” she said.

Industry group the Clean Energy Council called on the government to include a target for Australia to be running entirely on renewable energy and storage by 2030 as part of any roadmap to be released before the Glasgow meeting. Its chief executive, Kane Thornton, said that alone would cut national emissions by 44% by 2030.

“Decarbonising the electricity sector is the most efficient pathway to net zero by 2050, so the sooner we get it done, the sooner we can focus on the areas of the economy that can take advantage of our low-cost zero-emissions electricity,” he said.

Wednesday, 29 September 2021

Climate pressure on Scott Morrison grows as NSW promises to cut emissions in half by 2030.

Extract from The Guardian

The Berejiklian government commitment is backed by Liberals and Nationals in state cabinet while their federal counterparts remain split.

NSW premier Gladys Berejiklian and Australian prime minister Scott Morrison
The Berejiklian government commitment to cut NSW emissions by 50% by 2030 will add to pressure on the Morrison government to set a net zero target and lift Australia’s short-term goal.

Last modified on Wed 29 Sep 2021 05.59 AEST

Scott Morrison faces escalating pressure to set a more ambitious national climate target for 2030 after the New South Wales Coalition state government promised to cut the state’s emissions in half this decade.

The commitment by Australia’s largest state is backed by Liberals and Nationals in cabinet while their federal counterparts remain publicly split on climate policy.

The new target lifts its 2030 emissions reduction target from 35% to 50% compared with 2005 levels.

Scott Morrison

In a pointed contrast with the language used by some federal MPs, the NSW premier, Gladys Berejiklian, said increasing the target showed the state was “serious about setting itself up for the future and helping the world decarbonise”. John Barilaro, the Nationals leader and deputy premier, said it would be good for regional communities, which would reap the rewards of new clean industries.

They said updated projections to be released on Wednesday suggested the state could attract $37bn in private investment while meeting the goal. “This is about putting the policies in place to give industry and investors certainty, not only to protect our planet but to future-proof our prosperity and way of life,” Berejiklian said.

In an interview with Guardian Australia, the former Labor prime minister Kevin Rudd predicted the Morrison government would be forced to change direction and nearly double Australia’s emissions target for 2030 to avoid international isolation.

Rudd said he believed Morrison had begun a “massive crabwalk” on climate, pointing to the prime minister’s shift to saying Australia would reach net zero “preferably” by 2050 and reportedly discussing with News Corp some of its newspapers backing that target before Cop26.

Anjali Sharma, Year 11 student and climate activist is the lead litigant in hte Sharma vs Environment Minister case that is currently on appeal in the Federal Court. Photograph by Christopher Hopkins for The Guardian

He said he believed the next step would be the government increasing its 2030 emissions reduction target to “about 50%”. “He knows that if he doesn’t do that, he’s going to be left completely internationally isolated by everybody,” Rudd said, citing what he called “the real risk” of the European Union imposing a carbon tariff on Australian exports.

“Anything less than a target to halve emissions by 2030 risks the Great Barrier Reef disappearing and won’t be seen as credible by the international community. That’s what the independent Climate Change Authority said is our fair share of the global effort to tackle the climate crisis. And that’s what the Americans are doing.”

In recognition of growing concern about climate policy on the Liberal backbench, Morrison met on Tuesday with moderate MPs concerned the government may not set a 2050 net zero target to appease opponents in the National party. He told the group he hoped to release a roadmap explaining how the country could meet net zero emissions and to formally adopt a 2050 target, but he had not yet reached agreement with the Nationals.

Barilaro said the Nationals supported the new 2030 state target because regional NSW was “home to the skills, infrastructure and resources needed” as demand for low emissions technologies, such as batteries and hydrogen, grew. “We will continue to take action in a way that delivers more jobs and more investment for people in the city and in the bush,” he said.

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NSW’s push to meet the target will be underpinned by clean energy legislation passed with multi-party support last year.

Matt Kean, the NSW energy and environment minister and a regular critic of the Morrison government on climate, said peer-reviewed modelling found the state’s emissions were projected to fall between 47% and 52% below 2005 levels by 2030.

Kean said as global demand for low carbon products and investments grew the state’s fortunes would be increasingly “tied to the fortunes of our planet”.

“International capital is looking for safe havens and trying to avoid carbon risk,” he said. “If [market participants] don’t feel that a state or jurisdiction has the right targets and policies in place, people will not invest.

“When you are competing for scarce capital against Europe, against Japan, against countries that have strong targets and plans, [not acting] will come at a cost to mums and dads on their mortgages, and small business owners. The cost will flow through the whole economy.”

‘The world will decarbonise’

The political shift came as the think tank Beyond Zero Emissions released a report that found Australia could develop green exports worth nearly triple the value of existing fossil fuel industries, but needed to act soon to avoid missing the opportunity.

Heidi Lee, Beyond Zero Emissions’ chief executive, said other nations would capture “early market share” and Australia would be left behind if it did not invest in clean exports soon.

The report said 39% of Australia’s current commodity exports were fossil fuels – mainly thermal and metallurgical coal, crude oil and liquified natural gas. The bulk of these were sold to Japan, South Korea and China, which each had net zero targets for 2050 or 2060. That suggested the value of Australia’s exports would fall by $128bn a year unless it invested in alternatives.

“In the three decades leading to 2050, the world will decarbonise,” Lee said. “Australia can choose to become a green export powerhouse and re-industrialise the nation or miss our chance by not acting today.”

The group made several recommendations for the country to capitalise on future export opportunities, including setting a $100bn national green export target for 2035, making green export investment a priority for Australian government departments and agencies, creating a $20bn “supergrid deployment authority” with a remit to back large-scale clean investments and launch a five-year national rollout of renewable energy industrial precincts in 14 regional areas.

Thinktank wants $259m in royalties directed to coalmining towns as renewables take over.

Extract from The Guardian  

The rural network

Australia news

Wed 29 Sep 2021 03.30 AEST

A Liberal-aligned thinktank has recommended 5% of state coal royalties be set aside annually along with $20m in federal funding to establish “coal adaption authorities” and worker income insurance to help rejuvenate regional Australia.

The Blueprint Institute report recommends governments hand back some control to regional communities in order to circumvent the political climate policy debate that has run for the past decade.

Sheep in a green paddock

“These regional communities deserve considered policies and a pragmatic road map as coal-fired power becomes financially unviable for the companies which own it,” the institute’s senior energy researcher, Josh Steinert, said. “Each community should be given the tools to craft its own path forward.”

The plan would see governments force energy companies to develop proactive plans for worker displacement – which could be coordinated by so-called coal adaptation authorities. “Short-term wage subsidies should also be available as a last resort,” the report states.

The Morrison government is trying to land a climate policy ahead of the Cop26 Glasgow summit in November, including whether to support a goal of net zero emissions by 2050.

As the reactionary end of the National party rules out support for such a goal, the Blueprint report highlights that the coal industry is declining quickly, with coal-fired power stations Yallourn and Lithgow to close earlier than expected.

The report follows the $25m New South Wales Royalties for Rejuvenation policy announced earlier this year by the Berejiklian government for the regions hit by the decline of coal.

But it goes one step further to recommend the funds establish regional authorities to design industry, jobs and renewal plans for their own regions, rather than have plans imposed on them by governments.

A 5% royalty stream would add up to $259m in total, including $175m in Queensland; $80m in NSW and $4m in Victoria.

The report reflects on international regional energy transition schemes that fund workers and regions particularly hard hit, as the world changes its energy supply mix.

For example, Spain’s trade unions and energy companies signed agreements in 2019 with the Socialist Workers’ Party government to shut down the entire coal industry in return for early retirement and investment in replacement industries.

One of the best examples of transition away from coal is in the Ruhr Valley in Germany, where the government closed coalmines by transitioning early and developing other industries to boost regional economies.

“Diversification opportunities in the densely populated and urbanised Ruhr region of more than five million may be more accessible than in the coal regions of Australia, Britain, and Spain.

“Still, much can be learned from Germany’s bold and proactive approach to rejuvenate its industrial heartland.”

Steam billows from the cooling towers of a coal-fired power station

The Hunter Jobs Alliance fuses unions, community and environmental interest in a NSW region where coal mines and generators provide over 7,000 mining jobs and support 3,400 supplier businesses in the region, according to the report.

Alliance coordinator Warrick Jordan said the region was beginning to see a shift happening in the community but welcomed the Blueprint report as well as any other ideas “before structural change starts to pick up pace”.

“Regional people are practical, and they pay attention,” Jordan said.

“They see an economic change emerging and they are worried about what it means for their livelihoods and communities. People don’t want to be mugged by reality, even if some of the political debate hasn’t caught up with what is coming down the line economically.”