Sunday 31 March 2019

Australia's first manufactured electric car 'nothing like Tesla'

Updated about 2 hours ago


It took a German engineer who spoke limited English three years — and flat-pack parts sourced from China and Taiwan — to build the first electric car to be manufactured in Australia.

Key points:

  • By the end of 2019, ACE EV want to have built 100 cars, including the Cargo, a ute, and a two-door hatch
  • The vehicles will not be sold to the public initially, instead being pitched to small businesses and companies for about $40,000
  • A number of electric garbage trucks are on the roads in Perth and Melbourne, including one completely built and assembled in Australia

The two-seater van was built in an unassuming warehouse south of Brisbane by a motley crew for small Queensland start-up ACE EV.
They hope it will beat Australia's resistance to the new technology by being one of the most affordable on the market.
Managing director Greg McGarvie kept costs down by designing a carbon fibre shell made from flat packs manufactured in China and Taiwan.
They were shipped to their warehouse at Logan, south of Brisbane, and glued together to make the Cargo, which will be launched in Sydney on Tuesday.
"It's about us taking responsibility for the next generation, both in jobs and innovation," said Mr McGarvie, a former marine biologist.
"But more importantly, to reduce our carbon impact.
"What we have here is nothing like Tesla — it's nothing like any of the other automakers."

Frustrated by lack of support

Mr McGarvie's team included a German engineer, a translator and a handful of workers using Mr McGarvie's own money and that of international backers.
By the end of the year, they want to build 100 cars, including the Cargo, a ute and a two-door hatch.
Coming in at about $40,000, the vehicles will not be sold to the public initially, instead being pitched to small businesses and companies.
Once enough capital has been raised, ACE EV would then progress to wide-scale manufacturing.

The three-year process to get Australia's first electric passenger car built has at times frustrated Mr McGarvie, who has seen competitors overseas get a leg-up from their local governments.
He would like to have the same support as private or public investors in New Zealand, which could get 50 per cent of their costs funded by the Government.
"All we want Government to say is look, we think this is a great idea — what can we do to help?" Mr McGarvie said.
"It doesn't necessarily have to be money."

Missed opportunity?

A senate select committee handed down a report at the start of the year into the industry and Australia's sluggish uptake.
It found in stark contrast to many comparable economies, only 0.2 per cent of recent annual car sales in Australia were battery EVs.
The poor uptake was attributed to concerns over charging infrastructure, availability and cost.
Most have a price tag over $60,000.
Despite a host of recommendations, Mr McGarvie said that had not translated into any useful support.
"It's not happening as quickly and as honestly as we would like," Mr McGarvie said.

Slightly along the auto manufacturing spectrum sits SEA Electric, a Victorian-based company that electrifies heavy vehicles like garbage trucks and vans.

A number of their garbage trucks are already hitting the roads in Perth and Melbourne, including one that is completely Australian-built and assembled.
SEA Electric managing director Tony Fairweather said unless both federal and state governments acted soon, the country could miss an opportunity.
"We've now got activity in the US and Europe and Asia — all sectors that have substantial incentives and support for this space," Mr Fairweather said.
"Australia is only just starting down that path.
"We are absolutely the least-progressed developed market in the world in terms of supporting and incentivising EV uptake.
"It's a little bit embarrassing to be honest — Australia's got a really exciting opportunity but it's a small window of opportunity to take advantage of this revolution."

Climate change and when human nature can lead to rejection of science

Posted 44 minutes ago


When the Reserve Bank announced recently that it was factoring climate change into interest rate calculations, it underlined a mainstream acceptance of potential impacts for a warming planet.
Climate change now had economic consequences.
But resistance to the premise of human-induced climate change still rages, including in regional and rural communities, which often are the very communities already feeling its effects.
"When you look at the results of different surveys going back a few years, farmers were four times more likely than the national average to be climate change deniers," said Professor Mark Howden, director at the ANU's Climate Change Institute.
"That was about 32 per cent versus about 8 per cent for the population average."
So, why do so many people in regional and rural areas not believe in climate change?
ABC Central West's Curious project put that question to some experts, who say the answer has more to do with human nature than scientific reasoning.

Cognitive scientists vs cognitive lawyers

Professor Matthew Hornsey from the University of Queensland has dedicated his academic career to understanding why people reject apparently reasonable messages.
"The metaphor that's used in my papers is around what we call cognitive scientists versus cognitive lawyers," he said.
"What we hope people do when they interpret science is that they weigh it up in an independent way and reach a conclusion.
"But in real life, people behave more like lawyers, where they have a particular outcome that they have in mind and then they selectively interpret the evidence in a way that prosecutes the outcome they want to reach.
"So you selectively expose yourself to information, you selectively critique the information, you selectively remember the information in a way that reinforces what your gut is telling you."
This is known as motivated reasoning — and online news source algorithms and social forums are only enabling the phenomenon, allowing for further information curation for the individual.

Perception of threat and risk

Chris Evans grew up as the son of a farmer in Western Australia's Wheatbelt and went on to become a grain farmer himself.
That is until 2004, when he walked off the farm and into a landmark research project of his own.
His "familiarisation study" sought to understand why climate science was being rejected by the WA farming community, and would later form the model of approach for government ag programs.
"The assumption that farmers would accept scientific information and acknowledge the need to adapt was something I questioned based on my own personal experience," Mr Evans said.
"Certainly, global climate change was not a management or planning consideration for me when I was farming.
"Yes, I had noticed changes in the climate over the time I had lived and farmed in the area, [but] I would have responded in a similar fashion to one of the farming participants I interviewed during the familiarisation study: 'Of course it's changed ... it's always changing. We have had big dries before back in the 1940s and 1970s but then it turned wet again.'"
To understand why farmers reject climate science, Mr Evans says it must be acknowledged that humans don't interpret information in a vacuum.
Rather, humans develop and harbour perception of threat/risk based on a framework of socio-cultural beliefs, values, history, traditions and knowledge.
This is true for all assessment — scientific and non-scientific, he said.

"For example, WA farming and rural social sectors may have a low perception of threat/risk because of an inherent tolerance of climate threat/risk due to the high variability in the WA climate.
"Conversely, science and policymakers' perceptions of climate change threat/risk may be conceptualised in a different social framework of values and beliefs drawn from a broad view perspectives of evidence and potential impacts on a national and international scale."
It is this disparity in socio-cultural frameworks that can create a gulf of distrust between farmers, scientists and policymakers, bringing into question motivations and where the truth actually lies.
Put simply, Mr Evans describes it as the contested space between local knowledge and science.
He says the way to overcome it is to apply the science at a local level, that is, contextualise the risk.
"Farmers have their own data and will reject external data if it's not local enough."

Erosion of science credibility

Professor Hornsey says there is another force fanning the flames of distrust between the scientific and non-scientific communities.
"One thing that can be said without huge amounts of controversy is that there is a relationship between political conservatism and climate scepticism in Australia," he said.
To better understand this, the professor's research took him to 27 countries and found that for two-thirds of these, there was no relationship between being politically conservative and a climate science sceptic.
But Australia's relationship between the two trailed only the United States in strength of connection, he said.

"What we were seeing was the greater the per-capita carbon emissions of a country, the greater that relationship between climate scepticism and conservatism."
Professor Hornsey argues that per-capita carbon emissions is an indicator for fossil fuel reliance, which in turn creates greater stakes for the vested interests at play.
"When the stakes are high and the vested interests from the fossil fuel community are enormous, you see funded campaigns of misinformation, coaching conservatives what to think about climate change," he said.
"That gets picked up by conservative media and you get this orchestrated, very consistent, cohesive campaign of misinformation to send the signal that the science is not yet in."
Professor Hornsey points to the work of American historian Naomi Oreskes, who co-authored Merchants Of Doubt, which asserts that campaigns of misinformation were tools used by vested interests as a means of controlling the narrative.
The ultimate impact of sustained misinformation around Australia's climate science has been the erosion of scientific credibility and the illusion that scientists are in disagreement, he said.
"The science is in — 97 per cent of climate scientists agree that humans are contributing to global warming," Professor Hornsey said.
"But most people feel as though that number is much lower and that there's quite a lot of diversity of opinion around this in the science community.
"This is not true, but that's the success of these campaigns of misinformation."

Wicked problem

In socio-economic terms, a wicked problem is defined as one that is difficult or even impossible to solve, given the amount of cross-current and inter-related processes and resources required to resolve it.
The drug trade, human trafficking and climate change are all classic wicked problems.
Professor Hornsey believes current discourse can make farmers feel as though they are at the centre of an overwhelming societal problem, triggering further psychological rejection of the science.
"I feel sorry for farmers around the climate change issue, because this is a problem that has been caused collectively.
"Farmers are only a small part of the problem but they are going to be a huge part of the solution, so I think they feel put upon.
"They feel like they are constantly being lectured about their need to make sacrifices to adapt to a set of circumstances that are largely out of their control."

Don't talk about climate change

In 2010, in response to a drought policy review panel, the Commonwealth initiated a pilot of drought reform measures in Western Australia.
John Noonan from Curtin University led the program, which went on to have staggering success in converting not only participating farmers' attitudes to climate science, but also in restructuring their farm management models in response to a changing climate.

"First of all, when talking with farmers, we didn't call it the drought pilot — we used the name Farm Resilience Program," Mr Noonan said.
"If you go in to beat people up and have a climate change conversation, you get nowhere.
"We got the farmers to have conversations about changing rainfall patterns and continuing dry spells, rather than us telling them what to do.
"And they told us everything that we needed them to tell us for us to reflect that back to them and say, 'Well, actually, that's climate change'.
"If you take a very left-brain, very scientific approach to these matters, you are going nowhere, and what we used was very right-brain, very heart and gut-driven — and it worked."
Mr Evans agrees, underscoring the deeply personal connection farmers have to the land, its role in their business approach, and why the message must be managed psychologically rather than scientifically.
"Ultimately, for a farmer to confront the reality that this new climate might be permanent, requires them to go through the five stages of grief: denial, anger, bargaining, depression and acceptance."

Who asked the question?


Ross Bowden is a statistician by profession, who investigated the effect of location and climate change on ambient air temperature in Perth as part of his thesis last year.
"The reason I posed my question was that, as a scientist, I'm very aware of the possible catastrophic effects from rising CO2 emissions. The outcomes seriously scare me, even as a person living a quiet, secure life in suburban Perth, let alone depending on a stable climate for my livelihood as a farmer does."

Philippa Morris runs a bookshop in the town of Moree in northern NSW.
She's concerned there's a level of denial among those living in rural areas due to how much is at stake, for farmers in particular.
"I do think a lot about this subject — far too much. I keep coming back to a quote from a John le CarrĂ© novel, 'the more that you have paid for a fake, the less likely you are to accept that it is a forgery'."

What budget? PM's too busy keeping his paper-thin party truce from shredding

As weeks before federal budgets go, this one has been strange, in that the budget has barely featured. Normally we’d all be banging on about what is in or out, but everything is too off the rails for the budget to get much of a look-in.
The bizarre saga of One Nation and the unseemly hunt for money from the American gun lobby, followed by Pauline Hanson’s predictably Trumpian response – where the fake protest party responded by screeching about fake news, spies, Islamists and Ita Buttrose – at least had the upside, from Scott Morrison’s perspective, of drowning out fresh instalments of the Coalition’s legacy wars that ran daily on the front page of the Sydney Morning Herald, or the other rolling internal fights.
Morrison has been flat out trying to hold his team together sufficiently to get through next week, the final three sitting days of this parliament, without looking like a rabble, and to propel his troops into the election that will follow hot on the heels of budget week.
Over the past fortnight he has papered over a damaging internal split about energy policy and taxpayer support for coal. The papering over involved promising that someone would look into building a coal plant in north Queensland (but not promising to build it), and inserting one coal upgrade on a shortlist of new power generation projects that might or might not proceed to the next stage – assuming the Coalition wins in May.
Queensland Nationals, who had been muttering darkly about blowing the show if they didn’t get a concrete commitment, got not much comfort from Morrison apart from a head pat and a press release. But they sucked it up and spun it as a crushing victory. George Christensen, back from the Philippines, was quick to pop a meme on his Facebook site, declaring “The LNP will back more coal fired power in Queensland.” I meme therefore I am.
Then there was the vexed problem of what could be done about One Nation preferences, an issue that became more and more vexed the more that was revealed of that extraordinary al-Jazeera sting, aired by the ABC over two nights this week. The more James Ashby, Steve Dickson and Pauline Hanson babbled at distorted, hidden camera angles, lurching between noir and The Big Lebowski, the worse things got for Morrison.
With a major snafu brewing, the prime minister asked Liberals to hang back on Tuesday after the regular cabinet meeting (which had just papered over the energy fracture) to discuss the next fracture: where they should all land on One Nation preferences.
Key people were divided. Peter Dutton, worried about the electoral impact of the Liberals spurning One Nation in Queensland, argued for ambiguity. Kelly O’Dwyer and Simon Birmingham argued forcefully in favour of spurning. O’Dwyer, for good measure, told Morrison the government couldn’t allow itself to be bullied by the Liberal National party in Queensland.
Having read the room, Morrison then set to work trying to persuade the necessary backroom types to agree to a position where Liberals would rank One Nation below Labor on how to vote cards at the coming contest. When he secured that, he went public.
Morrison obviously had to take a public position on preferences, because the alternative was getting kicked to death for cosying up to a far-right fringe group prepared to sell out Australia’s gun control regime for a few dollars from the National Rifle Association. Even before that it was important, as I argued last weekend, for the prime minister to do the right thing.
But Morrison’s One Nation challenge is more significant than a decision about the ranking of preferences in a single electoral contest. The political challenge he faces isn’t procedural, it’s substantive. He needs a strategy to boost the Coalition’s primary vote if he’s to have any chance of holding on to government in May, and the rise of One Nation always depresses the Coalition’s primary vote.
To rise to his political challenge, Morrison has to have the fortitude to go to war with One Nation electorally, and mean it, both because it’s the right thing to do, because playing footsie with extremists in populist’s clothing is morally reprehensible, and because the alternative is death by a thousand cuts.
As well as choosing confrontation, rather than co-option or Coalition-ism, Morrison also has to put forward a policy offering that has some prospect of connecting with that section of the Coalition’s base that is now so angry and alienated from the suboptimal, “we forgot how to be competent” saga that is the Abbott/Turnbull/Morrison government, that the cohort will vote for One Nation just to kick the cat.
Without lapsing into the ridiculous false equivalence debate that various shameless Coalition folks have bowled up in desperation this week during the preferences conversation – in case you missed it this is the claim that the Greens are somehow as bad, or worse, than One Nation (I mean what a bunch of bollocks, get in the bin) – there is something the Coalition can learn from Labor and its attempts to rebuild its primary vote in progressive-on-progressive contests during recent elections.
I repeat again, to avoid any ambiguity, that the Greens are n-o-t One Nation. Not in any universe. But Labor has faced a very similar electoral challenge with the rise of the Greens as the Coalition faces in this election cycle and some previous cycles with One Nation, namely a corrosion of its primary vote.
Coalition strategists will tell you Labor’s Greens problem isn’t really a problem, because about 80% of Greens preferences flow back, but Labor will tell you it has been a significant problem, because the encroachment affects their chances of forming majority governments.
Ten years ago progressive Labor MPs would not have been game to take on the Greens because they would have been punished by their supporters. That’s slowly changed, and Labor has, over the past couple of years, started to muscle up against the Greens in inner-city contests, pursuing direct confrontation, warning progressive people about the costs of lodging a protest vote. This tougher approach was particularly obvious in the Grayndler campaign in the last federal election, and in the Batman byelection. Labor prevailed in both contests.
But success requires more than a bit of situational aggression: being punchy during campaigns. Labor has clawed back some support courtesy of its policy offering, which in many respects is the most progressive since the Whitlam years. The moral of the story is this: boosting your primary vote is not only about launching a situational war on the ground, it’s also giving your disaffected folks something to vote for.
Perhaps Morrison is hoping that some tax cuts for people on low and middle incomes, and possibly some cash payments, in next week’s budget is a downpayment on speaking to the voters inclined to give them a kicking.
This week he has shown some inclination to pursue the primary vote strategy I’m talking about. He’s blasted Hanson and appealed directly to her supporters to vote for the Coalition. Morrison has some prospect of gaining at least some traction with this appeal if he says it frequently enough and means it. Malcolm Turnbull couldn’t have pulled off narrowcasting to that cohort. Wrong salesman.
But to have any hope of success, Morrison’s message will need to be clear and consistent, even principled, dare we say – and that’s difficult when not everyone in your own show is convinced that going to war with One Nation is the answer (as Tuesday’s post-cabinet conversation revealed) and when the National party won’t play ball.
Nationals will muddy Morrison’s message, day in and day out, and that’s not helpful to Liberals.

Nationals have made it clear for much of this year, in their divided and rancorous state after the ignominious end of Project Barnaby, that when it comes to sandbagging it is now every man and woman for themselves, and hang the consequences for others, even if that consequence is inglorious opposition.

Record numbers of Australia's wildlife species face 'imminent extinction'

Regional forest agreements have failed in the 20 years since they were established by state governments, says a new report, which reveals that record numbers of threatened forest dwelling fauna and many species are heading towards imminent extinction.
The report, Abandoned – Australia’s forest wildlife in crisis, has assessed the conservation status of federally listed forest-dwelling vertebrate fauna species affected by logging and associated roading and burning across Australia’s regional forest agreement (RFA) regions in New South Wales, Victoria, Tasmania and Western Australia.
Released by the Wilderness Society this week, the report identified 48 federally-listed threatened species of forest-dwelling vertebrate fauna living in areas subject to state-run logging operations.
Four of those species – the leadbeater’s possum, swift parrot, western ringtail possum and regent honeyeater – are among the 20 bird and 20 mammal species most likely to become extinct within 20 years.
It also found that since the time the RFAs were signed, 11 forest vertebrate species had been raised to “endangered” or “critically endangered” categories, bringing the total to 24, and none had been lowered. Another 15 species were listed as threatened for the first time.
The report called for an end to exemptions for logging operations from federal environmental laws, an overhaul of those laws, and the establishment of new assessment and regulatory bodies.
“The report calls on the next Australian government to commit to a policy that no more of Australia’s unique wildlife species will be allowed to go extinct, and to ensure, backed by the necessary laws and resources, that this policy is fulfilled,” said the Wilderness Society’s national forest campaigner, Peter Roberston.
The RFAs, negotiated between state and federal governments in the 1990s, gave state logging agencies a “free pass from federal environmental assessment”, the report said.
The NSW and Tasmania RFAs were recently revised and extended until 2039 and 2037 respectively, effectively exempting state-sanctioned logging operations from federal environment and nationally threatened species laws for another 20 years. Victoria and WA have both agreed to extend their RFAs with the federal government.
The agreements were negotiated as a way to balance the demands of the logging industry with environmental concerns, while removing the federal government from the logging operations assessment process, the report said, but in the past 20 years the threat to wildlife species has increased.
The report called for the WA and Victorian agreements to be allowed to expire, and for those of Tasmania and NSW to be terminated and replaced with agreements that “reflect changed conditions environmentally, socially, economically and climatically” while new federal laws were developed.
Australia has the highest rate of mammal extinction in the world, and a Senate inquiry is examining why the laws are failing to arrest the trend.
Fewer than 40% of Australia’s threatened species have recovery plans in place – established under the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act - to try to prevent extinction, and last week the federal environment department conceded it had no idea if those were even being implemented.
The Wilderness Society report said deficiencies in the EPBC Act, Australia’s key piece of environmental legislation, were compounded by RFA exemption clauses.
“Our forests and their threatened species cannot survive RFAs of any length that continue to prioritise logging over all other values and uses of forests,” the report said.
“The next Federal Government and Environment Minister must act quickly to fully implement science-based Recovery Plans (or where no such plans exist, cause them to be prepared and implemented). Any logging operations likely to have a significant impact on these species and their habitat should be ‘called in’ for formal Federal environmental impact assessment.”
The report cited Senate inquiry submissions from forest ecologists, which claimed that RFA performance reviews were incomplete or years behind schedule.
“RFAs do not adequately protect biodiversity, threatened species, or threatened ecosystems,” the submission by scientists from the Australian National University said.
“They also have failed to maintain key ecosystem processes on which threatened species depend. RFAs are based on outdated information and are characterised by poor governance.”
In a statement, the federal environment minister, Melissa Price, rejected criticisms in the Wilderness Society report on threatened species, which she said were protected in RFA areas through conservation reserves.
“The suggestion that species are being pushed relentlessly and knowingly to extinction is both inflammatory and incorrect,” said Price.
“RFAs have played an important role in balancing the environmental, economic, cultural and social values of state native forests.

“Renewed (RFA) agreements also include important new clauses focusing on environmental outcomes reporting, including reports on the status and trends of threatened species in RFA areas and the inclusion of new dispute resolution processes such as annual meetings and new audit provisions.”

Saturday 30 March 2019

Rivers on Mars raged for more than a billion years, according to new study

Updated about 3 hours ago


Mars had large rivers of liquid water long after its atmosphere was stripped away into space billions of years ago, a new study suggests.

Key points:

  • The study found evidence of an intense run-off which fed rivers for more than a billion years
  • The results indicate ancient Mars rivers were wider than rivers on Earth today
  • The findings challenge current understanding of the evolution of planets' climates

Researchers have previously observed the distinctive tracks of long-dead rivers criss-crossing Mars, indicating a climate which was a far cry from the dry and dusty planet we know today.
Seeking a better understanding of the evolution of Mars' climate, scientists examined photographs and elevation models of more than 200 ancient Martian riverbeds.
Their analysis found evidence for intense run-off that "was not short-lived or a local anomaly" and fed rivers for more than a billion years.

The study's results indicate that rivers on Mars were wider than Earth rivers today, for the same catchment area.
By around 3.7 billion years ago, solar winds had stripped away most of the planet's atmosphere — but the new research says the rivers flowed far longer afterwards than previously thought, occurring at hundreds of different locations on the planet.
The results are helpful for scientists who are trying to piece together the Martian climate, according to lead study author Edwin Kite, an assistant professor of geophysical sciences at the University of Chicago and an expert in both the history of Mars and climates of other worlds.
For example, the size of the rivers indicates the water was flowing continuously — so there must have been a strong greenhouse effect to keep Mars warm enough that liquid water could flow.
"You would expect them to wane gradually over time, but that's not what we see," Mr Kite said.

Mr Kite said it was possible the climate had some sort of "on/off" switch which tipped back and forth between dry and wet cycles.
The existence of the rivers challenges current models of planetary climate evolution.
He said the study answers some existing questions but also indicates that either climate models, atmosphere evolution models, or scientists' basic understanding of inner solar system chronology was wrong.
"It's already hard to explain rivers or lakes based on the information we have," he said. "This makes a difficult problem even more difficult."

What better replacement for dirty Hazelwood than a windfarm?

At exactly 5pm on 29 March 2017, Unit 1 of the Hazelwood station reported the last energy generation after 53 years of faithful operation. Hazelwood isn’t the first coal power station to close in recent years — in fact it is one of 13 that closed over a five year period — but, as one of the largest and dirtiest power stations in the country it has become totemic, for both the environment movement and Australia’s coal fetishists.
Now, two years on, fears of mass workforce dislocation — such as the Latrobe Valley suffered when the region’s power stations were privatised in the 1990s — have largely failed to materialise. More than 1,000 jobs have been created in the region and unemployment has dropped from 8% to 5.7%, in no small part due to the efforts of the Latrobe Valley Authority, set up by the state government to help ensure a “just transition” for the workers and local community.
The failure of three coal units through the heat of 25 January this year kicked off a series of rolling blackouts in Victoria and provided yet another reminder of the age and fragility of the state’s coal power generators.
Despite widespread acknowledgment of the inexorable decline of coal power, there are plenty of signs that Latrobe Valley’s proud role as an energy region will outlive the area’s three remaining coal power stations. Reskilled workers have found work in the region’s booming solar energy sector, and many more jobs will be created if proposals progress for a massive offshore windfarm and a waste-to-energy project — though concerns have been raised around the environmental credentials of the latter.
Solar Victoria, the authority set up to oversee the state government’s policy to install solar in 700,000 households, has been set up in Morwell, and the coal town will soon be welcoming SEA Electric, an Australian electric vehicle manufacturer that intends to employ 500 workers locally.
There’s even an embryonic proposal to harness the strong local grid, nearby Thomson reservoir and favourable topography for a pumped hydro project that could be significantly cheaper than Snowy 2.0.
Standing out among the list of energy proposals is the newly announced Delburn Wind Farm, a 300MW windfarm that would be under three kilometres from the mine that fed Hazelwood, at the northern end of the Strzelecki Ranges.
If the proposal goes ahead, not only would it massively boost clean energy production in the east of the state, it would be the first windfarm in Australia to be built in a plantation forest.
While windfarms have co-existed well with agricultural operations for decades, outside of northern Europe, windfarm developers have overlooked plantation forests. State planning regulations that prohibit secondary uses for plantation lands as well as wind turbulence caused by trees have, until now, ruled significant parts of regional Australia out of consideration.
The Macedon Ranges Sustainability Group undertook some of the country’s earliest work on plantation forestry windfarms more than a decade ago, but was stymied by the Baillieu government’s prohibition of wind farming in politically sensitive areas. The community initiative, which would yield the state’s second community owned windfarm, has recently been given a new lease of life with an exemption from the windfarm “No Go Zone” and regulatory changes allowing crown land to simultaneously host both plantation forestry and wind farming.
Thanks to newer designs that utilise very tall towers, wind turbines can now be built well above the choppy wind immediately above the forest canopy. The Delburn Wind Farm intends to utilise hybrid concrete and steel towers up to 160m tall supporting the 5.6 MW turbines expected in the market in the early 2020s.
The Delburn Wind Farm is expected to generate 980GWh annually, as much power as used by approximately 200,000 average Victorian homes. Just a few years ago a windfarm with this capacity would have required up to 160 turbines, but with larger generators, 90m blades and topping out at 250m tall, only 53 turbines will be required for the same output.
The “swept area” of the blades, a major determinant of the output, will be over 10 hectares, five times larger than the typical turbine installed at the start of this decade.
While the wind in the Latrobe Valley is not the best in the state, the site has a number of advantages. The nearby grid connection, a legacy of Hazelwood, is unconstrained, avoiding a growing problem for wind and solar developers around the country. The windfarm is subject to wind regime different from that experienced by the concentration of windfarms in western Victoria, and as a result it will enjoy periods of generation when other windfarms aren’t generating, an advantage in the market.
As a working plantation forest, 90% of the roadways required for the windfarm already exist and the windfarm operation will have minimal impact on existing forestry operations. Situated entirely within a pine plantation monoculture, the impact on local fauna and flora will be negligible.
Like a growing number of windfarms, the Delburn Wind Farm proposes to allow community co-investment, make payments to neighbours and set up a fund to support the local organisations that are critical to maintaining the social fabric of regional communities.
If all goes to plan, the $400-500 million project, developed by OSMI Australia, will play an important role in Latrobe Valley’s energy transition. And by introducing plantation forest wind farming to Australia, the project’s impact will reach into many other regional communities, where new jobs and economic development are always welcome.

Simon Holmes Ă  Court is senior adviser to the Climate and Energy College at Melbourne University

Labor to tighten emissions regime as it draws climate battle-lines

Labor is set to unveil a climate policy that will beef up the Morrison government’s heavily criticised safeguard mechanism, creating new pollution reduction requirements for the aviation sector, cement, steel and aluminum, mining and gas, direct combustion and the non-electricity energy sectors.
Currently the safeguard mechanism applies to businesses with direct emissions of more than 100 kilotonnes of carbon dioxide-equivalent pollution each year, and Labor’s policy is expected to lower that threshold to 25 kilotonnes, which means more sectors and businesses will be covered.
It is anticipated Labor’s policy will allow over-achievement on the new, more stringent, baselines, which will allow businesses who cut pollution more aggressively to generate carbon credits that can be traded with other businesses that cannot meet their targets.
In practice, this means the electricity sector, which Labor proposes to cover with a separate regulatory regime, will be able to sell carbon permits to heavy emitters.
The policy is expected to include new land clearing regulations – but nothing more concrete for agriculture – and curbs on vehicle pollution. It is likely to point to a target of reducing CO2 emissions from vehicles to 105 grams of CO2 a kilometre, and also introduce incentives for electric vehicles and support for electric vehicle infrastructure.
Labor is expected to unveil the remainder of its climate policy during the final hectic sitting days of the parliament, with MPs returning to Canberra at the weekend and on Monday for the budget session.
As well as delivering the economic statement it hopes will be a positive springboard into the election – which could be called next weekend – the Morrison government will use the remaining parliamentary sitting days to pursue legislation making it a criminal offence for social media companies not to remove violent material, with errant executives to face imprisonment for three years.
The prime minister met executives of social media companies earlier this week, and warned the government would legislate unless the companies gave assurances they would “immediately institute changes to prevent the use of their platforms, like what was filmed and shared by the perpetrators of the terrible offences in Christchurch”.
The government was unhappy with the response to Scott Morrison’s overture on Tuesday, so resolved to legislate.
The new offences would require platforms anywhere in the world to notify the Australian federal police if they become aware their service was streaming abhorrent violent conduct that was happening in Australia.
The government said failure to comply would be punishable by imprisonment for Australian or overseas executives, or fines that could reach up to 10% of the platform’s global annual turnover.
Morrison said social media platforms were being “weaponised by terrorists” so the parliament needed to take action.
“Big social media companies have a responsibility to take every possible action to ensure their technology products are not exploited by murderous terrorists,” he said.
“It should not just be a matter of just doing the right thing. It should be the law, and that is what my government will be doing next week to force social media companies to get their act together and work with law enforcement and intelligence agencies to defuse the threat their technologies can present to the safety of Australians.”

Morrison is expected to write to the opposition leader, Bill Shorten, at the weekend to seek Labor’s support.

Sixty-nine millionaires paid zero tax in 2016-17

    Extract from ABC News
    Posted about 5 hours ago

    Sixty-nine Australians who earned more than $1 million in the 2016-17 financial year did not pay a cent of income tax.

    Key points:

    • ATO data shows 69 millionaires reduced their taxable income to zero by claiming millions in deductions
    • Negative gearing is still a popular tax break, with 1.3 million people claiming losses totalling $12.3 billion on their rental properties
    • 8.8 million people claiming $21.98 billion in work-related expense deductions

    Annual data from the Australian Tax Office, released on Friday, shows the list of Australia's millionaires paying no income tax is growing.
    The data shows in 2016-17, 60 people who declared total incomes above $1 million reported taxable incomes below $6,001, two posted taxable incomes between $6,001 and $10,000, and eight declared taxable incomes between $10,001 and $18,200, putting them all below the tax-free threshold.
    Not one of them paid the Medicare levy.
    Sixty-nine of them reduced their tax bill to zero, each claiming millions in deductions, primarily for the "cost of managing tax affairs", but also for "gifts or donations". This was up from 62 who paid no tax the year before.
    The Tax Office defines "cost of managing tax affairs" as including the cost of preparing and lodging tax returns, the fees paid to recognised tax advisers, the cost of court appeals and interest charges imposed in relation to tax disputes.
    To address the problem of millionaires paying zero tax, the Labor party has announced a policy to limit the deduction that can be claimed for managing tax affairs to $3,000.
    Of those who paid zero tax, some also managed to claim back franking credits from their share investments.
    Thirty-seven in this group claimed franking credits totalling $7.8 million.

    1.3m Australians negatively gear

    There were 13.9 million individuals filing returns for the 2016-17 income year.

    As Labor confirmed its changes to negative gearing will start on January 1 if it wins the election, tax data shows 2.15 million Australians reported rental income, totalling $44.1 billion. This is slightly up from 2.09 million reporting income of $42.1 billion the year before.
    Of those, 1.3 million people made a combined loss of $12.3 billion on their rental properties. There were 855,975 that were in either a neutral position or made a gain.
    The data shows negatively-geared landlords tend to spend more on their properties.
    Interest on mortgage loans was by far the biggest expense. Landlords losing money on their properties claimed deductions for $18 billion in interest payments.
    These investors also claimed $2.7 billion in capital works, $1.9 billion in repairs and maintenance, and $1.6 billion in property agent fees and commissions.
    Landlords in total claimed $400 million in travel expenses related to their rentals.
    A number of those claiming had more than one investment property to claim against.
    In 2016-17 there were 20,357 investors with six or more properties, 19,504 with five, 46,460 with four, 125,915 with three, 407,971 with two and 1.54 million with one.
    The data shows 11,349 people held at least six properties on which they are negatively geared.

    Work-related expense deductions

    There were 8.84 million people claiming $21.98 billion in work-related expense deductions.
    This included:
    • 3.6 million people claiming $8.62 billion in work-related car expenses
    • 1.4 million claiming $2.03 billion in work-related travel expenses
    • 6.4 million people claiming $1.86 billion in clothing expenses relating to their job
    • 530,230 people claiming $1.13 billion in self-education expenses
    • 7.25 million people claiming $8.33 billion in "other" work-related expenses
    There were 4.5 million people who claimed $3.48 billion in tax deductions for gifts and donations and 6.1 million people who claimed $2.29 billion for the cost of managing their tax affairs.