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Friday, 5 May 2017
Keystone XL: the final leg and the myth of Trump's job promise
Part three: The Guardian’s pipeline road trip ends
in Nebraska, where Trump has sold the project as a creator of ‘a lot of
jobs’, but facts don’t support his claims
Words by Oliver Laughland, photos and video by Laurence Mathieu-Léger, graphics by Monica Ulmanu
“Nebraska
is the last hope for stopping this,” says Art Tanderup, sitting on the
lawn close to the solar panels that provide most of the energy to his
farm. Spring comes a little earlier here than in South Dakota and
Montana. The 2ft deep snow drifts that had blanketed the farmland melted
a month ago, revealing acres of harvested corn stubble that is now
being readied for replanting.
This year’s crop cycle brings with it a sense of unprecedented
foreboding for Tanderup and his wife Helen, who returned to the
century-old family farm in 2011, hoping for a quiet retirement.
The night of Donald Trump’s election brought tears here. “I thought:
‘Here we go again,’” says Helen. “We’re going to be fighting the
Keystone pipeline again.”
The Tanderups’ farm, like many properties in the XL’s pathway in this
state, sits above the Ogallala aquifer, which they depend on for their
drinking and farm water. The pipeline would also come within 600ft of
their farmhouse.
Their land had become something of a hub for resistance against the
XL during the second term of the Obama administration. In recent summers
crop artists had cut anti-XL artworks into the outlying corn fields,
and in 2014 Neil Young and Willie Nelson headlined a protest concert on
the field the XL is set to cross. The Tanderups stood at the side of the
stage as 8,000 people watched the Canadian troubadour sing: “End fossil
fuel, draw the line. Before we build one more pipeline”, lines from his
newly written protest song Who’s Gonna Stand Up?
It may have taken years, but the former president eventually paid attention.
But Trump and his aggressive brand of “America first” nationalism
bring with it a challenge the Tanderups can’t help but feel daunted by.
The president has sold the project as a major job creator for the US –
even though the facts don’t support all of his claims.
Art and Helen Tanderup stand by a large Cowboys and
Indians alliance sign on their corn farm outside of Neligh, Nebraska.
Photograph: Laurence Mathieu-Leger for the Guardian
As Art says, the state of Nebraska,
and more precisely its Public Service Commission, stands as the last
major obstacle to TransCanada and the new president from getting shovels
in the ground.
Unlike Montana and South Dakota, the XL has no approved pathway in
the state of Nebraska and the commission, comprising five elected
officials, is set to rule on the company’s proposal later this year.
Public hearings are set for August, and Tanderup and a coalition of
other resistant landowners are preparing to lobby hard.
The suggested route has already been moved once, back in 2012, to
avoid the fragile ecosystem of the Nebraska Sandhills. But the new route
still crosses the massive underground aquifer, and the Tanderups
maintain their sandy, porous soil means their land should still be
considered part of the Sandhills region.
At present, around 90 landowners along the proposed route are holding
out against the Canadian company as eminent domain will not be
enforceable unless the plan is approved. They plan to sue if it is.
TransCanada say they have signed easements with 91% of property owners along the route in Nebraska.
Just outside the town of Neligh, a quiet farming town in the
north-east of the state, the Tanderups’ land is the first stop in the
last state of the Guardian’s journey along the proposed XL route.
“Someday we’d like to see our grandchildren here,” says Art. “But if
that pipeline’s sitting out there in that ground, every time you take a
drink, you’ll be scared, because you don’t know if the next morning you
aren’t going to wake up because you drank something you shouldn’t.
“They will have to bulldoze me over before they can come on my property.”
But fear is coupled with frustration under this new administration.
The XL pipeline is tied to Trump’s nationalism not just through shaky
claims of energy independence, but also promises of job creation and
rebooting American manufacturing.
“If we can get that pipeline built,” Trump said on his fourth day in
office as he signed memoranda encouraging TransCanada to reapply for a
permit the Obama administration had rejected, it would bring “a lot of
jobs; 28,000 jobs. Great construction jobs.”
A few weeks before the state department approved TransCanada’s
renewed application, Trump told the annual Conservative Political Action
Conference: “If they want a pipeline in the United States, they’re
going to use pipe that’s made in the United States.” The president had
already formalised this requirement by executive order.
Along the route, countless local business owners and politicians have
touted these claims as the dominant factor guiding their support for
the construction.
The entrance to Art and Helen Tanderup’s farm where the
Keystone XL is set to cross. Photograph: Laurence Mathieu-Leger for the
Guardian
“If you created just 10 jobs here,” said Rusty Foster, a Perkins
County commissioner in South Dakota, “that would be a big impact to the
economy.” (Foster is another of those local officials denying the
science of climate change: “It says in the Bible the world’s going to
come to an end. You may be able to prolong it. I don’t think so. God
will decide when it’s over.”)
“I want to see ‘American made’ again. That’s what I love,” said
Vivian Sounder, owner of the Pioneer Auto Museum in Murdo, South Dakota,
comparing the pipeline and its use of American steel to the 275
American built classic cars housed in her showroom.
But the reality is different. In March, the administration clarified
that the XL will be exempt from Trump’s directive on the use of
American-produced materials, as TransCanada had already signed
production contracts for the pipe. Half of the steel will come from an
Indian-owned plant in Arkansas, while the remaining 50% will be imported
from India, Canada and Italy.
Trump’s claims on job creation were also misleading. According to
analysis published by the president’s state department, the pipeline
will create around only 3,900 direct construction jobs, with a total
workforce of 16,100. There will be an additional 26,000 jobs created
indirectly by the project. Pivotally, almost all of these positions are
temporary, projected to last two years at most. Estimates suggest just
50 permanent jobs will be created by the construction.
TransCanada spokesman Terry Cunha said the company agreed with the state department projections.
A meeting memo, seen by the Guardian in the town of Baker, Montana,
showed TransCanada did not provide firm estimates to town officials over
the number of local people who would be offered work by the pipeline.
It also shows that, despite continuing legal battles and ongoing route
proposals in Nebraska, TransCanada have briefed officials they could
start construction on a number of pump stations along the route in 2018,
with a view to pipeline construction between 2019 and 2020.
Perkins County commissioner Rusty Foster stands outside a
gas station in the town of Faith, South Dakota. Photograph: Laurence
Mathieu-Leger for the Guardian
The 175-mile journey south from the Tanderups’ farm is littered with
small towns that mark a contrast to the vast, open expanses in South
Dakota and Montana. Starlings chirp from trees that are already budding
in spring. Lutheran and Baptist churches tower over many buildings here,
rivaled mostly by the football posts that stand on immaculately kept
high school playing fields.
In
the town of Fairbury, just 12 miles from the XL’s final destination,
Sharon Priefert, a member of the local chamber of commerce, is holding a
“swine and wine” tasting event for their members. The pork has been
slow-roasting since 3am, and a large crowd queues up to fill their
plates.
A decade ago the first Keystone pipeline passed close to this area,
and Priefert recalls fondly how it led to jobs in a town where the
population has declined by half since the Rock Island railroad closed
up. The line, forever enshrined by the eponymous folk spiritual later performed by Johnny Cash and Lonnie Donegan, had kept a regional headquarters here until the 1970s.
Priefert’s own stepson took a job on the pipeline, which has led to a
decades long career in seasonal construction work. She knows from
experience that the expected boom here will be not permanent and
expresses a general unease over the Trump presidency, despite voting for
him in 2016. Nonetheless, she backs the project to the hilt, citing it
as clear example of a promise the president has actually managed to
deliver in his first 100 days. “In a community like ours, there is
always people looking for part-time, temporary positions,” she says.
The XL’s final stop, Steele City, appears on planning maps as a giant
dot in the south-east of the state. The image is something of an
anticlimax. The village, named after former railroad president Dudley M
Steele upon foundation in 1873, has a population of just 56 people and
is eerily quiet.
The only local business, the Salty Dog Saloon, already does fantastic
trade, drawing travelling bikers, passing construction workers and
locals from the surrounding area, to sample the home cooked burgers and
blues that booms from the jukebox.
Owner Margo D’Angelo knows the new pipeline will not bring her any
significant financial rewards, but backs the development almost as a
reflex reaction.
“It alone is not going to make America great again,” she says. Then she checks herself. “I mean, I think it’s already great.”
The TransCanada pump station in Steele City, Nebraska,
where the Keystone XL pipeline is set to meet with the existing Keystone
pipeline. Photograph: Laurence Mathieu-Leger for the Guardian
D’Angelo was perhaps the most ambivalent person the Guardian
encountered after over 1,600 miles of road covered along the route. For
those whose futures are vested in the prospective construction, the
battle lines are already being drawn, and many are preparing for another
long, exhausting fight. Though these people may be separated by
hundreds of miles, their political allegiances and state boundaries –
their futures are likely to be tied together by the winding steel of the
Keystone XL pipeline.
About a quarter-mile up the road is the TransCanada pump station
where the XL is set to link with the existing Keystone. It hums quietly
on top of a hill where it is surrounded by wind turbines that emit red
flashing lights as darkness rolls in.
Around this time last year the pipeline had leaked further up its route in South Dakota, spilling nearly 17,000 gallons of oil. It was discovered, not by leak detection technology, but by a passerby who spotted oil seeping to the surface. This article was amended on 4 May 2017 to correct the timing of
the leak of almost 17,000 gallons of oil to make clear this was in 2016. Support the Guardian’s climate change and environment reporting by becoming a member or making a one-time contribution.
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