Saturday, 25 October 2014

Tanya Plibersek 2014 ACFID National Council Speech

coats arms



THE HON TANYA PLIBERSEK MP
DEPUTY LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION
SHADOW MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
SPEECH


2014 AUSTRALIAN COUNCIL FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT NATIONAL COUNCIL

I would like to begin by acknowledging the traditional owners and custodians of the land on which we meet today, the Ngunnawal people, and pay my respects to their elders both past and present.
I would also like to acknowledge:
  • Sam Mostyn, President of ACFID;
  • Marc Purcell, Executive Director of ACFID;
  • Other ACFID council members;
  • Senator Lee Rhiannon.
This week Gough Whitlam passed away at the age of 98.
Many of us have been reflecting on how much Australia changed under Gough’s Prime Ministership, and how much has changed since.
That in 1974, Gough brought Australia’s aid spending to its height of 0.5 per cent of GNI – working towards 0.7 per cent – saying it was ‘in recognition of the responsibilities that lie on all of the richer nations to assist the poor and undeveloped countries.’
That today, the Abbott Government has cut aid by $7.6 billion and walked away from the 0.5 per cent target altogether – meaning Australian aid has peaked at 0.35 per cent and is now declining.
Despite the mounting policy successes of recent years as we near the end of the Millennium Development Goals, in Australia we have to confront the fact that bipartisanship on aid is broken and that unprecedented political ground has been lost under the current government.
It has been a little over a year since the Abbott Government was elected, and in that time we have heard a lot about aid effectiveness, as though it were absent prior to the election.
It is important to defend the record and the reality. Australia has over many years built a highly effective aid program through our NGOs and our specialist aid agency AusAID:
  • We have the headline statistics, like in Timor-Leste where we helped more than 30,000 farmers improve their yield, in some cases by as much as 80 per cent, or helped 67,000 people get access to basic sanitation.
  • We have the anecdotes about individual programs, like the mobile courtrooms in Indonesia helping disadvantaged women get marriage and birth certificates, so they could enrol their children in school.
  • We have the individual stories that we all carry around with us, like the women in Papua New Guinea who were able to use the local markets more freely because the ablution blocks our aid program had built meant they did not have to use the nearby bushes and risk being robbed or raped.
But we don’t just have statistics, anecdotal evidence and individual stories.
Positive findings in our own independent reviews were backed up by the most recent Peer Review from the OECD last year, which highlighted some of the strengths of our aid program:
  • We were increasing funding in line with our target to reach 0.5 per cent of GNI, our areas of good practice were increasing and the overall degree of fragmentation was decreasing.
  • AusAID was singled out for praise for its strategic planning and the coherence it brought to key policy areas.
  • Our focus on gender and support of UN Women was among the best in the world, as was our expertise in disability-inclusive aid.
Aid effectiveness is not a new concept. We had a highly effective aid program.
It’s an important point to make, because aid effectiveness matters not just to development outcomes, but to public trust in foreign aid itself.
  • You would all have seen the research produced by the Narrative Project this year with the support of a number of your organisations. It confirmed what many of us already knew: that the biggest barrier to mobilising public support for global development is the perception that aid is wasted and that progress is impossible.
Of course we should all demand effectiveness of our aid program.
But in addition to being an important goal in itself, the debate around effectiveness can also operate as a dog-whistle to the sceptics in the community, and a smokescreen for the vandals in government.
We must start the conversation by saying that aid works, and that Australian aid in particular is not just effective but transformational and world-leading.
Internationally, we are facing a changing environment for aid:
  • The GFC has seen some donors reducing their efforts, while at the same time we have new entrants like China and India. Public and private donors are shaping the agenda through new partnerships like GAVI which has helped immunize 440 million boys and girls since 2000, saving six million lives.
  • We’re seeing greater need around climate change, natural disasters, and disease – like the global implications of the Ebola crisis in West Africa, and the need for a coordinated international response.
  • At the same time, economic development is happening alongside rapid technological change – like in Kenya, where fishermen out at sea use their mobile phones to check the price of fish at different markets before deciding where to land, and 86 per cent of households report using mobile phones to make payments.
In this changing environment, government is increasingly looking to NGOs and the private sector to play a larger role in development:
  • The private sector does have a role to play, but it will never replace effort and expenditure which government withdraws.
  • And government also has a particular role to play in providing coordination and accountability which won’t easily be filled by the private sector or NGOs.
  • NGOs are partners in the design and delivery of aid programs, and advocates for communities in developing countries, not just a way to outsource our country’s responsibility to the international community.
That partnership between government, NGOs and the private sector only works when it is built on respect and transparency. But the evidence is that the government needs to do much better on this front:
  • Since the change of government, our ranking on the Aid Transparency Index has dropped and the adoption of the Open Government Partnership has stalled. Labor joined over 60 other countries in the Open Government Partnership to commit Australia to improving access to information about government activities, through a concrete action plan.
  • The Abbott Government says that they will redirect resources to NGOs which are effective on the ground, but so far there is little to no information about how that effectiveness will be evaluated.
  • In June, Labor asked when the effectiveness benchmarks would be released – the response from the Government was to point to their new performance framework, and yet all that framework said was that benchmarks would be included in country and regional plans over the next 12 months.
  • As you know, it is estimated that the value of aid is reduced by up to 20 per cent when funding is unpredictable and volatile. So the Government’s approach not only means ongoing uncertainty for NGOs who don’t know whether their funding will be cut, but decreased effectiveness for our aid program more broadly.
As we build towards a new international consensus around the Sustainable Development Goals, it is important to be clear about what the purpose of our aid program is:
  • I cannot understand a government which removes poverty alleviation as an objective of our aid program, as the Abbott Government did. Surely helping people and countries overcome poverty is the central purpose of foreign aid?
    • While trade is important for developing countries, the Abbott Government seems untroubled by the prospect that the gains flowing from increased “aid for trade” may only trickle down unevenly with no guarantee of helping those most in need
    • As we know, economic growth does not necessarily reduce inequality. Countries like Cambodia and Indonesia have seen growth and income inequality rise together – and the IMF has even found that inequality ultimately threatens long-term growth.
    • So it’s vital that we maintain clarity about the purpose of our aid program – not to drive growth for growth’s sake, but to help people overcome poverty.
The biggest challenge of all, though, is the broken bipartisanship on aid and development.
For the Abbott government, ‘aid effectiveness’ and private sector investment are fig leaves to hide their cuts and failures of political leadership.
To put it bluntly, if the two greatest challenges faced by the aid sector are inequality and climate change, then the Abbott Government has vandalized your agenda for global development:
  • Cutting $7.6 billion from aid and walking away from the bipartisan commitment to the 0.5 per cent target of GNI which John Howard signed up to.
  • Tearing up the carbon price and taking us backward on climate change at home, and undermining momentum for international action abroad.
These cuts aren’t just a headline statistic. $7.6 billion in aid could contribute to:
  • Connecting 600 000 people to basic sanitation or sewerage; and
  • Creating 180 000 new school places; and
  • Training almost 30 000 health professionals, and ensuring over 300 000 births are attended by a skilled health worker.
But what disturbs me most is the lack of consequences:
  • With the 2014 Budget, the Abbott Government bet that even though the cuts to aid were the largest in the Budget by far – one in every five dollars of cuts – the political consequences would be minimal.
  • Although some organisations and individuals have spoken up, the lack of a coordinated response by the sector has proven them right.
In Parliament we call “Dorothy Dixers” the planted questions that government ministers are asked by their own backbenchers – named after an American advice columnist who answered her own questions.
It is the way the government of the day draws attention to their political successes, and the things they are most proud of.
This year, Julie Bishop has been asked seven Dorothy Dix questions during Question Time by her own backbenchers about their cuts to aid.
They aren’t just keeping quiet about these cuts, they actually see them as a political windfall. They are crowing about them.
And why shouldn’t they? They can pander to the aid-sceptics in the community while at the same time being welcomed for their ‘commitment to Australia’s aid’ – as ACFID publicly did earlier this month.
When Labor was in government we nearly doubled the aid budget and maintained our commitment to the 0.5 per cent target. The Liberals have cut aid by $7.6 billion and abandoned the 0.5 per cent target.
In this new partisan paradigm, it’s worth remembering that Australia’s commitment to development isn’t just a story about political leadership – giants like Gough Whitlam, and vandals like Tony Abbott.
It’s also a story about the development sector, mobilising the Australian public and lifting our aspirations.
I remember the extraordinary energy of the Make Poverty History campaign which locked in bipartisan support for the 0.5 per cent target – I remember it not just as a moral argument, but as a political strategy for the sector to exert influence over Australia’s place in the world.
And I remember that it worked.
When we ask ourselves why so much political ground has been lost, two features stand out.
Leadership from government.
And a strong, coordinated campaign from the sector which can mobilise public sentiment.
I’ve been told today that you’ll be launching such a campaign tomorrow. I cannot say how thrilled I am to hear it and how pleased I will be to see and support the work you will be doing in communities. I know that there will be people around Australia who will have been looking for this leadership who will be delighted to sign on.
When the Millennium Development Goals were agreed to, we rose to that challenge together – a political success that matters because of the human lives it changed and saved.
Through the MDGs we have:
  • Halved global poverty;
  • Averted 3.3 million deaths from malaria;
  • Provided primary education to 90 per cent of children in developing regions.
As we near the end of the MDGs and the development of the Sustainable Development Goals, it’s clear that these new targets will require more – not less – from the international community.
More commitment to tackling poverty, inequality and environment degradation.
More resources to translate that commitment into results.
We will be asked to lift our ambition and our efforts, and at this crucial moment we cannot allow Australia to think smaller and do less.
The SDGs will articulate the development challenge for the international community, and the roadmap for responding to it.
Whether Australia rises to that challenge and does its fair share is up to us.
ENDS 

Tanya Plibersek, Subject/s: Ebola

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THE HON TANYA PLIBERSEK MP
DEPUTY LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION
SHADOW MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
MEMBER FOR SYDNEY



E&OE TRANSCRIPT
TV INTERVIEW
ABC CAPITAL HILL
THURSDAY, 23 OCTOBER 2014


JULIE DOYLE, PRESENTER: We’ve heard evidence from the Department of Foreign Affairs at Senate Estimates today that there’s now been requests from the United Kingdom and the United States for Australian people to be sent to West Africa to help fight Ebola. If they’re asking for us to send people, should they be agreeing then to evacuate Australians if they do become infected?
PLIBERSEK: Well both the US and the UK are making a decision to treat their own medical staff in-country. That means wherever possible they’ll treat people as quickly as possible on the ground in Liberia or Sierra Leone where they are building hospitals with first world health standards. The UK’s also said that they are potentially sending a hospital ship. They’re making a different decision about their own health staff in the first instance to treat in-country. But of course, the proposition remains that Australia should be able to get an agreement with the United States, with the UK or one of our European allies to provide health facilities on the same basis, or health treatment on the same basis, to our personnel as they would to their own.
DOYLE: Does it surprise you that we’ve had confirmation – that we have had these official requests from the United Kingdom, United States amongst others, but this agreement as far as the evacuation of Australian personnel hasn’t been sorted out?
PLIBERSEK: Well I think it’s very significant that we’ve had the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom and the President of the United States make formal requests of our government for extra Australian commitment to fight Ebola in West Africa and those requests haven’t been met. These are two of our most important allies. They are bearing a huge share of the responsibility of fighting Ebola in West Africa. We’ve now got a situation where the President of the United States is ringing the Prime Minister of Australia. The Prime Minister of the UK has spoken to our Foreign Minister, and still the Australian Government is not making arrangements to support Australian personnel who are trained, who are willing, who are able to fight Ebola in West Africa to go.
DOYLE: But don’t they need some way if requests are coming and they want people to go there, isn’t it fair enough that the Australian Government says there must be a way to evacuate or treat Australian people if they get infected?
PLIBERSEK: Well, of course it’s fair enough to say that there must be a way of treating Australians. What’s in question is what effort has the Australian Government made to put those arrangements in place? And the Prime Minister says that it’s impossible, it’s just too hard. For weeks now we’ve had the Health Minister saying it’s just too hard and we find out that, in fact, the Health Minister’s only for the first time on Friday joined the weekly meeting of chief health and medical officers to manage the Ebola crisis. So we’ve got a chaotic 24 hours in Senate Estimates where there’s three different stories about Australia’s preparedness in Australia and in our region and we have further evidence now saying that Australia has been requested by the United States, by the United Kingdom, joining requests from the United Nations, the UN Security Council, the International Crisis Group, Medecins Sans Frontieres, the World Health Organisation, our own AMA, Public Health Association – all of these organisations saying that it is important to have personnel on the ground in West Africa, people who are trained and willing and able to go. We’re knocking back the requests of all of these health and security organisations. Now we’re also saying no to some of our most important allies.
DOYLE: Looking at some of the measures closer to home to deal with any kind of outbreak in the Asia Pacific region or with people coming back here from West Africa, now there’s been reports about some tension in the Cabinet when it comes to the role of the Immigration Minister Scott Morrison. Now as far as quarantine measures at the airport for example, for people coming back from West Africa, wouldn’t it make sense, doesn’t that require Customs and Immigration to have a greater role there?
PLIBERSEK: Well, it absolutely requires that Customs and Immigration are aware of what they should be telling passengers who are coming back into Australia. It’s very important that they have very clear instructions, that they obviously tell passengers that if they have any of these symptoms that they should go to a hospital and so on. I think the problem here is after 24 hours of chaotic answers in Senate Estimates we now have Scott Morrison making a bid to expand his portfolio responsibilities further. To be honest, it doesn’t matter to me so much who is in charge within the Government, there needs to be someone in charge.
DOYLE: Wouldn’t it make sense then to bring all this under one umbrella?
PLIBERSEK: Well, I think that’s a matter for the Government.
DOYLE: Alright, Tanya Plibersek, we’ll leave it there. Thank you very much.
PLIBERSEK: Thank you.
ENDS

Statement from Shadow Health Minister Jo-Ann Miller in regard to the Auditor General’s report on hospital building program

Media Release.


As the Auditor General clearly states on page three, the cost difference between the final business case and current budget for three major hospitals over eight years is 3%.

This represents a difference of $152 million with the Sunshine Coast University Hospital actually now $101 million under budget.

The final business cases expanded the scope of the three projects from the original announcements.

Labor invested to build the world’s best children’s hospital. This hospital is a world-leading design, built for the future. Clearly, its cost reflects that.

Cost changes in the largest hospital building program in the nation, in part can be attributed to inflation and standard cost escalation. Other costs emerged from extra beds and more services.

As stated in a media release by Lawrence Springborg on December 15, 2013, when he was well aware of the cost:

The 359-bed hospital will be the biggest public children’s hospital in the country, and the central hub of an enhanced state-wide network of children's health services that will benefit future generations of Queensland children and young people.

It is part of a $1.5 billion program of work, including an adjacent academic and research facility, the refurbished headquarters of the Children’s Hospital Foundation; land to accommodate families within the precinct; improved road access and a new Adolescent Drug and Alcohol Withdrawal Service building.*

As a result of Labor’s health investment, Queensland now has state of the art hospitals in Brisbane, the Gold Coast and the Sunshine Coast.

The Auditor General has made recommendations to improve departmental health services planning which is supported.

Labor made all documents requested by the Auditor General available.

In stark contrast, the Newman Government is overseeing a building program consisting of one project- a new but unnecessary Executive Building in the Brisbane CBD that previous Auditor-General reports show will waste a monumental $2.6 billion of taxpayer funds over 10-15 years and benefit no one except for Campbell Newman, Lawrence Springborg and other Ministers.

Today provided a perfect example of Campbell Newman’s hypocrisy.

The Premier and the Health Minister today opened the Paediatric Intensive Care Unit in Townsville, which was committed to by the former Labor Government.

The LNP’s only record when it comes to health infrastructure is to cut the ribbons on Labor projects once they’re completed.

They have already cut the ribbon on the Gold Coast University Hospital built by Labor and I am sure they will have no qualms about smiling for the cameras at the opening of the new Children’s Hospital built by Labor.

*http://statements.qld.gov.au/Statement/2013/12/15/childrens-hospital-to-honour-pioneering-queenslander

LABOR TO INTRODUCE CHOICE FOR WORKERS IN RESOURCE COMMUNITIES

Media Release.


Opposition Leader Annastacia Palaszczuk said the next Labor Government would end 100% fly-in, fly-out practices for major resource projects near regional communities by giving choice to workers.
Announcing the policy in Moranbah, Ms Palaszczuk said strengthening local communities and maximising employment opportunities would be a priority under Labor.
“The modern Labor Party stands for safe, secure jobs for every Queenslander, regardless of where you live or what you do,” Ms Palaszczuk said.
“We want to see vibrant, thriving communities right across our state, whether you live in regional Queensland or our metropolitan centres."
“From talking to families in mining towns across Queensland, we know how crucial it is for those Queenslanders to have access to secure, long-term jobs close to where they live."
“If you live in Moranbah or Mackay or Rockhampton, you should be able to work there or at least nearby. The practice of dictating to workers that they must move to Brisbane or Cairns and fly-in, fly-out if they want a job isn’t sustainable over the long-term."
“It was Campbell Newman who promised regional Queenslanders he wouldn’t tolerate 100% FIFO prior to the last election before going back on his promise as soon as he was elected."
“My commitment to Queenslanders that live in mining communities is that under the next Labor Government, 100% FIFO proposals will not be approved and we will review all existing 100% FIFO approvals within the first 100 days of office."
“We will also ensure the Coordinator-General regularly reports on local conditions, and whether or not workers have the choice to live in established towns."
“We need to protect our regional communities to ensure they don’t live and die by the daily fluctuations in the coal price, and I’m determined to do that.”
Shadow Mines Minister Jo-Ann Miller said Labor was also committed to working with the industry to promote great awareness of mental health issues.
“There is strong evidence to suggest that some FIFO workers suffer from serious mental illnesses due to the unique nature of their work arrangements,” Mrs Miller said.
“The policy Labor has released today includes a focus on mental health to ensure there’s adequate access to 24-hour support.”

Key points from Labor’s Strong and Sustainable Resource Communities policy include:
• End 100% FIFO operations near regional communities by introducing choice for workers to live in the resource communities near to where they work.
• Amend legislation in consultation with regional communities and local government to require the Coordinator-General to monitor and report on local conditions and workers’ choice opportunities
• Review within the first 100 days of office all existing 100% FIFO approvals and where a mining operation is located near a resource town or regional community require workers to be given a choice of where they live.
• Adequate access to 24 hour mental health and support services for resident/non-resident workers.


The full policy can be found on the Opposition Leader’s website: annastaciapalaszczukmp.com.au 

Details of Leasing Proposal



BYRNE SLAMS LNP FOR LAVISHING TAXPAYER FUNDS ON ASSET SALE ADVISORS

Media Release.


Queenslanders are being fleeced of hundreds of millions of dollars as the Newman Government lines the pockets of asset sale consultants, says Rockhampton MP Bill Byrne.
“The bill for the army of highly paid advisors helping to prepare our assets for privatisation is already estimated at $300 million and the Newman Government is advertising for even more consultants,” he said.
“This is extreme arrogance on the part of the LNP which has no mandate to sell our ports, electricity network or water pipelines."
“Taxpayers are footing the lavish bill for these consultants, long before voters have a chance to have their say."
“Companies such as Merrill Lynch, Macquarie Capital and RBC Capital Markets are getting even richer at the expense of ordinary Queenslanders, even though the Newman Government promised it would not privatise state assets without a mandate.”
This week the government advertised for consultants to provide technical and environmental advisory services in addition to the 17 consultants already being paid by the taxpayer to help prepare the assets for sale.
Shadow Treasurer Curtis Pitt said the cost of consultants on asset sales typically ranged between 1% and 1.5% of the proceeds and the Newman Government expects to realise $37 billion from its asset sales.
“We estimate the final bill for consultants will be far in excess of $300 million. Frankly, that is staggering waste from a government that lacks the competency to deliver its own agenda without recourse to advisors."
“That is a vast sum of money that could be doing so much to improve communities throughout Queensland."
“What could Rockhampton do with $300 million?” Mr Byrne said."

*END

BILL FOR ASSET SALES CONSULTANTS SKYROCKETS OVER $300M

Media Release.


Shadow Treasurer Curtis Pitt says the Newman Government is engaging more highly paid consultants to get state assets ready for sale even before receiving approval from voters and the bill will now skyrocket over the current estimated $300 million.
“The Newman Government is arrogantly assembling an army of consultants to prepare our state assets for sale even before voters have their say as promised,” Mr Pitt said.
“This week the Newman Government advertised for even more consultants willing to provide more advice on the sale of asset such as our power network, export ports, and water pipelines."
“The new consultants providing ‘technical and environmental advisory services’ will be on top of the 17 consultants already engaged to prepare assets for sale."
“Treasurer Tim Nicholls should detail the projected costs involved in engaging the latest consultants and those already on the public payroll.
“He has so far arrogantly refused to tell taxpayers how much of their money he is spending on existing consultants engaged to prepare assets for sale long before voters have a chance to have their say - despite the fact that the previous Labor Government and even the Abbott Government had revealed such costs.”
Mr Pitt said the cost of consultants on asset sales typically ranged between 1% and 1.5% of proceeds and the LNP Government expected to realise $37 million from asset sales.
"That means that even a conservative estimate would put the bill so far at over $300 million to sell these assets and we again challenge the government to dispute this figure, because it will not release it publicly," he said.
“That's huge buckets of taxpayers’ cash being shovelled by the LNP at big financial firms such as Merrill Lynch, Macquarie Capital, and RBC Capital Markets."
“While the Abbott Government had no problems listing the cost of its asset sales consultants in its Federal Budget papers, the arrogant Newman Government keeps its spending of taxpayers’ funds top secret."
“If the Premier and Treasurer were genuinely open and accountable, why won’t they say how much taxpayers’ money they are spending to break their promise of no asset sales without a mandate from voters?”
“Before the last election the LNP said it had a plan to boost the economy without asset sales. It promised it would have our state tracking towards 4% unemployment without the need for asset sales."
“It also promised to cut the cost of living, notably cutting power bills by $120 a year, without the need for asset sales. But not one of these plans has seen the light of day.
“The only plan the LNP has ever had is to sell assets which will mean job cuts and higher cost of living, and Queenslanders aren't buying it."

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