*THE
WORKER*
Brisbane
November 18, 1893
THREE
YEARS FOR AGITATING
TERMINATION
OF THE SENTENCE.
Release of
the Union Prisoners.
At the latter
end of 1890 and the beginning of 1891 an organised attempt was made
by Australian capitalism to break down unionism, the immediate point
of attack being the Queensland bush unions affiliated with the
Australian Labour Federation. Smarting under the Jondaryan defeat –
when the question of Unionism v. Non-unionism was decided in
favour of the men – the squatters sought aid from their fellow
capitalists throughout the colonies, and with that assistance
resolved to commence operations by the issue of new agreements which
contained the following serious alterations of conditions of labour:
Reductions in
the wages to be paid for certain classes of bush work, affecting
large numbers of bush workers;
The ignoring of
the Eight-Hour day;
The tacit
admittance of all classes of coloured labour upon an equality with
white labour in White Queensland;
The withholding
of the wage honestly earned by wage earners in such away that it may
be forfeited as a penalty whenever an employer thinks the agreement
is not adhered to by the employed;
The
constitution of the employer as the sole arbiter on various questions
of frequent recurrence in bush work, and the consequent penalising
and possible imprisonment of the employed at the pleasure of the
employer;
The total
ignoring of the bush unions and the insistence by the employer on a
return to the system of individual agreement on the wage-earner's
side, and of collective agreement on the capitalists side, which in
years past produced such intolerable conditions of labouring in the
bush that the present unions were literally forced into existence.
No men with a
spark of courage could accept these conditions without a bitter
struggle, and after repeated requests for a conference with the
employers, requests as often repeated and as often refused throughout
the fight, the unionist prepared for the most terrible combat with
organised capitalism that has ever taken place on this continent.
Combined
capitalism was not particular as to its methods and armed black
labour was introduced from all parts. The squatters had press and
pulpit, police and parliament on their side, and the unionists were
so grossly misrepresented that the general public were convinced that
they were a set of most atrocious scoundrels for whom hanging was too
good. Finding that the spirit of men could not be broken in any other
way, a corrupt government put the law in motion, and under an old
English Act – long since repealed in the land in which it was first
passed in the reign of George IV. - arrested, among other, the
following prominent unionists for “conspiracy.”
W.J. Bennett,
chairman Strike Committee
W. Fothergill,
secretary Strike Committee
A.J. Brown,
member Strike Committee
Hugh O.
Blackwell, secretary Q.L.U.
F.H. Murphy,
secretary Roma branch Q.L.U.
George Taylor,
organiser C.D.C.
Alex.
Forrester, organiser C.D.C.
W. Hamilton,
delegate Strike Committee
W.H.
Smith-Barry, delegate Strike Committee
P.F. Griffin,
chairman Clermont Camp
A.J.S. Stuart,
member C.D.C.
Robert Prince
The above
mentioned were arrested in the month of April, 1891, amid a display
of military with fixed bayonets and Gatling guns, chained together
(some of them) like so many bullocks, and marched from place to place
previous to committal. They were brought before Judge Harding at
Rockhampton in May of the same year, abused by him as if they were
scoundrels, and as if their lives had been one long drawn skein of
wickedness, and finally convicted by a judge-bounced jury and
sentenced to three years' hard labour, and to find sureties for good
behaviour for another year.
The conviction
of the strike leaders explains the rottenness of our judicial system
as well as of society as a whole, and shows how easy it is in times
of excitement for innocent men to be sent to gaol on trumped up
charges, merely to gratify the whims of a despotic class Government,
which, if it had acted impartially, could have averted all the
bitterness, trouble, and expense of the Shearers' Strike of 1891.
Respecting the
trial, an extract from an account written by Mr. W. Lane, (then
editor of this paper) is worth reproducing : “. . . . This is the
court-room, and the bushman are here on trial, the judge will nay,
and the lawyers and the squatters who smile cheerily as Judge Harding
'rubs it in.' But it seems to me, sitting here, that they are not on
trial. It is Society which is being tried and the verdict of this
jury will not matter whatever it is; Society is being tried here as a
whole, prisoners and squatters and judge and jury and lawyers, tried
here as it is being tried wherever the opposing elements of Society
are brought face to face, wherever the up springing of Humanity finds
an advocate or meets a foe. And its judge is God-the eternal God
which has no defining and no dimensions, but which holds the stars in
their places and makes water run down hill and brings to nought all
that is unfit and in the long run makes Right Might and Justice
strong, the same God-call it Law or nature or anything you like, what
do names matter? - the same God that laid Rome low and shattered
Greece, the home of art and slavery, and that judges our Society now
weighing it in the balance, as Olive Schriener says, to know whether
it be wanting.
And it is
'wanting,' indeed it is, as you would think if you were here—and
thought as I do. For Justice here is a farce and Patriotism a
mockery. Here in this court-room the class fight is being fought out.
Here squatter band labourer face one another, and the Government and
the judge and the whole judicial system chum in with the squatter and
one sees how hollow the Law is and how useless it is ever to think of
working together, capitalist and labourer, for the settlement of our
social troubles. It is boiling over here, class-jealousy,
class-hatred, class-prejudice, class-bitterness; and penned up in
this boiling cauldron are the bushmen, officially said to be standing
their trial and they have not two friends sitting together except in
the public gallery and there – well, there the squatters could not
find two friends, only the public gallery does not count yet.”
Class
jealously, class hatred, class prejudice, and class bitterness
secured the conviction of the prisoners, who, having been well
behaved in prison (as well as out of it), are to be released in
accordance with gaol rules at the end of this week, having been in
gaol about two years and seven months. Dan Murphy, convicted of
rioting during the strike and sentenced at the same court sittings,
will be released along with the “company” prisoners. Jack
Macnamara, the only other unionist prisoner, remains at St. Helena
until the completion of his time in April, 1894. Several unsuccessful
attempts were made to secure a remission of the sentences imposed on
the prisoners – sentences which have no parallel in severity since
six Dorchester labourers were sent out to this colony as convicts for
conspiracy in the year 1834.
In the month of
July, 1891, Tom Glassey, then M.L.A. for Bundamba, with a view of
finding out who were the real conspirators and of securing the
release of the prisoners, asked Parliament to appoint a Commission to
inquire into the causes of the shearing strike. In introducing the
resolution he startled the Government by producing copies of certain
letters which passed between Government officials and representatives
of the Employers' Association, showing beyond question that there was
collusion between these two to down the bushmen at any risk. The
motion was negatived by 41 to 3. Some time later Glassey, with his
usual persistency, asked Parliament to grant the unconditional
release of the men, but without avail. In April last year, the
biggest petition ever sent to an Australian Parliament, from 431
union officials, representing 150,000 Australasian unionists was
presented to the Queensland Parliament praying for the unconditional
release of all persons imprisoned through causes arising out of the
bush strike without exception.
The petition
was received and, like most documents of that nature, was no doubt
consigned to the waste paper basket. At any rate, nothing more was
ever heard of it. The men have patiently, courageously, and
fearlessly borne the burden of injustice, in spite of the influences
used to induce them to crawl out. Admission of guilt would have
secured them liberty long ago. This admission will never be obtained,
because they are conscious of their innocence of any crime. Efforts
were made by Colonial Secretary Tozer to persuade them to petition
for mercy, assuring them that if this were done an order for their
immediate release would follow. Government emissaries, in the shape
of members of Parliament and “influential” citizens, were sent to
visit the prisoners. These emissaries urged them to ask for release
as an act of clemency, pointing out that in so doing they would not
in any way forfeit their manhood. This did not succeed. They were not
to be thus entrapped. Our friends possess too much grit to accept
such liberal offers of presuming kindness. Petitions of various kinds
were submitted with the same result. An unconditional release was the
only concession acceptable to them. As for petitions, they declined
even to consider them unless such petitions had first received the
approval of the A.L.F. Executive. This manly conduct, this splendid
display of fortitude, amid the most trying circumstances of prison
life, has excited the admiration of bitter opponents of the Labour
Movement who heard of it. Even the callous-minded Tozer has been
heard on more occasions than one to speak in terms of praise and
admiration at the stout determination of the unionist prisoners, and
many complimentary remarks concerning them have fallen from others
less high in authority, but who have had even better opportunities of
judging.
The men are
regarded by all who know them – as the writer known most of them
intimately – as straight, sterling, honest, earnest fellows. Men
who would scorn to do a mean act towards one of their mates. There is
not one of them whom one would not break bread with and treat as a
true friend. Their sentence has not detracted in the least from this.
On the contrary, it has served to increase the circle of their
friends and to strengthen the friendship previously existing. Ever
since their sentence their mates in the bush have been contributing
to an assistance fund in order that the wives of the only two married
men should not suffer from their husband's incarceration, and that
when all were released they would have something to start with. About
2,500 pounds, in addition to the 2 pound per week each paid to the
wives of Jeffreys (released a few weeks ago along with Irwin) and
E.H. Murphy ever since the conviction of their husbands, has been
raised and will be divided out amongst the prisoners on their
release.
As showing the
sympathy which exists in Brisbane for the “prisoners,” it may be
mentioned that not the slightest difficulty was experienced in
obtaining the twenty-six bondsmen required in the terms of the
sentence. Indeed the difficulty came in when selecting from the
numerous persons who offered themselves as sureties the names of
those who were not likely to take offence at being deprived of the
honour of signing the bond forms.
Those who have
so unjustly yet so heroically suffered for the Cause will long be
remembered, and will be revered and honoured by all true unionists.
Our comrades in the bush, from whose ranks our St. Helena friends
were taken, will join us in welcoming them heartily back again to the
old scenes, realising that they have made redemption from thraldom
possible – have done their part towards hastening on that time when
Man to man
the world o'er
Shall brother
be for a'that.
A. H.
