*THE
WORKER*
Brisbane
July 22, 1893
HISTORY OF
THE MOVEMENT.
Saturday, March
20th 1886, was an eventful day in the history of Labour.
Before that the organisations of Queensland had been jogging along in
the humdrum style of old day Unionism. Organisation was not pushed
ahead in any way. If bodies of men wanted a union they could form
one, if they didn't it wasn't anybody's business. Unions then existed
for the sole purpose of obtaining what advantages they could for
their own members and cared little or nothing for those beyond their
ranks. Politics were looked upon as altogether outside Unionism.
Indeed, I can remember when delegates to the old Trades and Labour
Council threatened that their societies would withdraw if the Council
was turned into a political “talking shop.” Politics had nothing
to do with the Labour Movement; a man could be a good unionist and a
follower of M'Ilwraith or a follower of Griffith. Poor dear old
creatures! it never occurred to them that Labour could become
something different from and better than either. However a great
change was in store for both it and the politicians. A brighter day
was dawning and in
GRATITUDE TO
THE “OBSERVER.”
Let me here
state that particular paper deserves the sincere thanks of everyone
who believes in the New Unionism that is making this old world hum
now and is most certainly going to make her hum some more. It
happened this way : On March 20th, 1886 a column of
“Labour Notes” by “Sketcher” attracted considerable attention
in Labour circles. Henceforth the Saturday evening's edition was
eagerly looked for and read by both unionists and non-unionists and
men who had never thought of the matter before became interested in
the Labour movement. The circulation of the observer most
likely increased. This I know, the number of unionists did and the
new members joining and the new unions springing into existence were
animated by the new doctrines they were in the imbibing through the
columns of this evening paper. The influx of new members meant the
death of Old Unionism and the exclusiveness of the skilled trades.
Organisations of unskilled labour began to take a prominent part in
the deliberations of the Council, and the Council began to turn its
attention more and more to politics and the organisation of other
unions. “Labour Notes” was this: “ The labourer's best friend
and worst enemy is himself.” After that came the week's Labour
news and then a few parting words under the heading of:
“
TRUTHS FOR SUNDAY THOUGHT”
These
were very valuable seeds and were distributed in very small
quantities at first. Some of them struck fertile soil and have since
produced a very fair crop but the most amusing feature of the
incident is the way in which the Observer has
gone back on its teachings. Let me cull you a few of these Truths:
“Every man has the right to accumulate wealth so long as it hurts
no one.” “ No man has the right to accumulate wealth if it
becomes injurious to the Commonweal.” “Every man has the right
to employ his Labour or his Capital to the general harm” -- these
were the tiny doses of Socialism given by
THE
PECULIAR PRESSMAN
who
now began to frequent the Maritime Hall which was about this time the
centre of Queensland Unionism. Here he found eager listeners among
the unemployed wharf labourers and seamen who lived about the place.
The unemployed are listening still. The quiet, demure little reporter
used to talk to them of Labour Organisations elsewhere, but among
themselves they regarded him with suspicion. He was altogether too
friendly for the ordinary pressman, so therefore he must be something
else. What could he be? Not honest and sincere surely! No: that was
impossible in a pressman. He must be a
CAPITALIST
SPY
and
it would be the best to watch him closely and meanwhile quietly draw
him out. He, on his part, attended the meetings of the Trades Council
regularly and gave splendid reports of the proceedings, reaching
often times a column and a half of the generous Observer.
Every Friday he went round the societies and the Maritime Hall
collecting material for his Labour Notes and scattering a few seeds
by the way. About this time, too, he began to invite two or three of
the fellows to his house of a Sunday night. There it was that the
Movement made a real start. Men who knew nothing got their first
insight into the social question: ideas were carried from these
little Sunday gatherings and discussed on the wharves, in ships'
holds, down in the coal-bunkers of steamboats, and gradually they
spread to the miner working underground, to the shearer and
rouseabout in the back blocks. Nor was this the only way in which the
unknown educator and organiser spread his gospel. To the Maritime
Hall this most “peculiar pressman” used to come on Fridays with a
book or two, sometimes with quite a parcel of books. These he would
lend to whoever he thought most likely to read them with
instructions to pass them on to a mate who would also read and profit
by them.
It
was no longer possible to regard him with suspicion. The really
valuable advice and assistance rendered by him to the unions
destroyed the “capitalistic spy” theory, and the wise men now
began to cast about for some other reason for his unselfish
devotion. Without a motive the whole thing was incomprehensible.
There must be something in the background. What could it be?
Occasionally we used to read of the paid agents of the
Internationalists. Yes he was one. Why did he so freely distribute
those works of Socialism? He must be the paid
EMISSARY
OF A SECRET SOCIETY
“ He
is a dangerous man, one that we must guard against, otherwise he may
involve the Trades and Labour Council in serious frightful plot to
overthrow the Czar of Russia.” This was how he was read then. In
spite of everything, however his personal influence became greater
and greater, his sense of justice of the employment class and his
sympathy with the workers made a firm friend of everyone who came in
contact with him, and it can honestly and truthfully be said, that no
man ever came in contact with Billy Lane without being a better man
for having done so. To know him thoroughly was to make one ashamed of
oneself: to know him was to hate one's own selfishness and ambitions;
to truly appreciate his devotion to the Labour Cause was one's own
insignificance and unworthiness.
THE
REAL LANE
The
influence for good exercised by this man on the Queensland Movement
can never be fully estimated by those who did not know him. He has
been charged with inciting revolution and war between Capital and
Labour, where as his whole teaching was directly the reverse of that.
He always insisted upon recognising that it was the system that was
at fault and not individuals, that the employers were as much the
victims of circumstances as the employee's. His teachings inspired
men with hope who had previously been filled with the desperation of
despair. Instead of being the enemy of society he was its truest and
best friend, in as much as he shed the Light of Socialism upon those
who were struggling in a sea of doubt and darkness and could find no
way out.
Fully
occupied with his own work he always found time to give assistance
where ever and whenever it was needed. Anyone could approach him and
the kindly sympathetic nature of the man compelled confidence. Right
here was his strong point, in this the real man stood out. One always
felt in speaking to him that he could be trusted. While speaking with
him one felt that he was speaking in deed with a “human being,”
one who was an equal with the highest and yet on the same level as
the lowest. Such a man was bound to attract, to inspire confidence
to excite better feelings, and while making men more trustful of
others to make less distrustful of themselves. He it was who planted
the seed of New Unionism in Queensland with the motto “ that men
should organise for the good they can do and not the benefits they
hope to obtain,” and one result of his teachings was the donation
of the Brisbane Wharf Labourers to
THE
LONDON DOCKERS.
In
August, 1889, the Brisbane Wharf Labourers' Union called a special
meeting and in violation of all rules cabled ₤150 to their
English brethren. Their example was followed by the unions throughout
Australia, and was the first practical illustration of the principle
of Labour Federation on a large scale. From this time forth Labour
organisation boomed, and event followed event in such quick
succession that it is almost impossible to remember them.
In
June, 1889;
THE
A.L.F. WAS FOUNDED.
And
in January, 1890, the Shearers' and Labourers' Union became
affiliated. On March 1st
of the same year THE WORKER was first published. In May the Jondaryan
wool dispute arose and was amicably settled. On August 1st
the General Council of the A.L.F. Met for their first annual session.
The same month the maritime strike was forced upon us by the ship
owners, squatters, and financial institutions as a return blow for
the Jondaryan business, and in March the squatters forced the bushmen
into what is known as
THE
SHEARERS' STRIKE OF 1891.
This
was for Capitalism the most disastrous of all strikes on account of
the bitterness and hostility of a class Government to the workers. On
this occasion all politicians joined hands in downing Labour.
Capitalism was now organised. The two forces were arrayed against
each other and the workers' eyes were opened for the first time.
There was no mistaking the fact that the “friends of the working
man,” “the representatives of the people” were on the side of
monopoly. There they stood: there we stood. The industrial division
had taken place: the line of cleavage was clear and distinct: All
that it now wanted was an opportunity to carry that division into
politics. Sooner or later it must take place. All changes in the
political world are preceded by change in the industrial world.
However the time was put off as long as possible, but finally in May
of this year Labour achieved its first victory at the ballot box. The
victory great as it was is only an earnest of what the people are
going to obtain in the near future by the establishment of a Social
Democratic Federation which should absorb the whole of the A.L.F. and
the Workers' Association at present in existence.
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