*THE
WORKER*
Brisbane
March 10, 1894
THE EDITORIAL
MILL.
Our Motto:
“Socialism in our time.”
The first
general meeting of the newly formed Woman's Franchise Association was
held in the Town Hall Brisbane, on Monday evening last. There was a
large attendance of women, who appeared to have divided themselves
into two hostile camps – those on the left of the chair-woman (Mrs.
Leontine Cooper) being the Property Vote Party; those on the right
the One-Woman One-Vote Party. At an early stage of the proceedings it
was evident that the battle which took place at the Protestant Hall
meeting on the 28th of February would be fought over
again, for when Mrs. J. A. Clark moved that the name of the
organisation be “The Woman's Franchise Association,” Miss Florrie
Collings immediately jumped to her feet to move an amendment that the
word “Equal” be inserted in the motion before the word
“Franchise.” Mrs. MacFie seconded the amendment, and the
struggle commenced. After Mrs. Miller and Mrs. Moginie had counted 12
votes for the amendment, some of the ladies wished to know what the
word “equal” meant.
Mrs. Cooper
said she could see no difference between the motion and amendment,
but one lady said the amendment meant that no women should have
property votes. The lady – tellers surrendered their task to
Messrs. Clark and Higgs, who agreed that the amendment was carried by
55 votes to 53. First win for the One-Woman-One-Vote Party. The
Property Vote Party were undaunted, and Mrs. Preston moved and Mrs.
Clough seconded, “That the object of this Association is to obtain
the franchise for women on the same conditions as those which apply
to men,” which meant that poor women whose occupations or whose
want of employment, or who were compelled to keep moving about from
place to place when their husbands were seeking employment, would
have no vote at all, while rich ladies who own property could have as
many as sixty votes – a vote for every electorate in the colony,
providing of course they have property in each electorate.
Mrs. Moginie, a
lady who has repeatedly declared in favour of One Women One Vote, but
who appears to be too much afraid of losing the support of the
wealthy in her efforts to secure a recognition of the rights of
women, moved an amendment, “ That the object of this Association
shall be to secure to every adult women the right of franchise.”
Mrs. Beverly seconded this amendment, which was carried and became
the motion. Mrs. Miller, a sturdy radical whose father took a
prominent part in the Chartist Movement of 1848 (one of the grandest
working class agitations of the century), detected in Mrs. Moginie's
amendment an endeavour to shirk the question of One Women One Vote,
and moved an amendment to settle the matter. “ She objected to a
man who had a large block of land dividing the same amongst his
sisters and daughters, and so get four or five additional votes. They
did not ask for anything unfair. All women were equal; they wanted
One Women One Vote and not three or four a piece for some women.”
Mrs. Fairman seconded Mrs. Miller's amendment. Mrs. Cooper (the
chairwoman), who, we venture to say as delicately as possible, is not
the lady to pour oil on troubled waters when her party is in
difficulties endeavoured to diminish the enthusiasm engendered by
Mrs. Miller's speech by arguing that only 20,000 out of 80,000
Queensland women would be entitled to vote on a property
qualification.
She reiterated
her Wednesday night statement that the Labour Party had never
advanced women suffrage, and supplemented this with the remark that
only lately had the WORKER commenced to ask for One Women One Vote –
statements which are quite incorrect, as anyone who knows the Labour
movement, or has read the WORKER, must be aware. It is true that the
electoral plank in the Labour platform was, in deference of the
wishes of the middle-class moderate party, allowed to go One Man One
Vote, but that the Labour Party has abandoned its original plank One
Adult One Vote. It is only a
further proof that if Mrs. Moginie and other ladies are in earnest
they should ask now for One Women One Vote, for we are no near
electoral reform than if we had refused to compromise with the middle
class during the last elections.
Mrs.
MacFie elicited rapturous applause by her eloquent defence of the
one-women-one-vote principle. “She believed in one women one vote.
The men had not got one man one vote yet, but why should women think
of what men had not got? If women wanted a thing, let them stand to
their guns and fight for it till they got it. (Applause) Many poor
women were slaving from morning till night trying to make ends meet,
and while the electoral laws were constituted as they were at
present, with the complicated procedure that had to be gone through
in order to get a vote, a good many women so situated would not be
able to get a vote. They were too poor to pay servants to mind their
children. They were not like some women who had nothing to do but to
wash themselves – (applause and dissent) – and dress themselves –
(applause and dissent) – and then take afternoon tea and talk
scandal. ( Loud applause.)
Mrs.
Briggs followed Mrs. MacFie, and made a calm, cool, elocutionary
address which made quite an impression. “She objected to the
property vote, and claimed that to ask for anything else in the face
of the altered name of the association would be absurd. It was true
men had not obtained equal voting power, but that was not their
fault. If they had had justice, they would have obtain edit long ago.
Anyway, the women were willing to help the men to obtain justice. She
concluded by appealing to the property vote women not to ask for more
votes than their sisters who had no property.”
And
so the meeting continued. The Social-Democrats had plenty of
oratorical power, but the Property Vote Party managed to put forward
speakers who endeavoured, however unsuccessfully to answer the
arguments of the one-women-vote ladies. Mrs. John A. Clark showed
herself to be on the side of the Fat Man's party. Mr. Clark, who
early in the meeting had taken a prominent part in the affair by
prompting his lady friends on the Fat Man's side of the house, now
objected to the Labour agitators advising their wives, sisters, and
friends; and Mrs. Cooper, ever on the alert to assist property
voters, suggested that all the men be asked to leave the hall. This
suggestion was carried by 52 to 46. The men left immediately. After
the objectionable men had been got rid of the property voters wished
to take a vote again on the motions already carried. This created
considerable excitement, during which the One Women One Vote Party
was outwitted by Mrs. Moginie and others, who induced them to allow
the resolutions carried to stand, thus abandoning Mrs. Miller's
one-women-one-vote amendment.
Contentious
matter having thus been disposed of, great progress was made with the
rules, and the following officers were elected: Mrs. John Donaldson,
president; Mesdames Leontine Cooper Macfie, and Moginie, vice
-president; and Mesdames J. A. Clark, Reading, Miller, Culpin, G.
King Swanwick, Levy, Addison, A. M. Francis, Shelton, M'Connel,
sen., Higgs, Banks, Snell, and Fairman, and Miss Glassey, council;
and Mrs. D. R. M'Connel, Treasurer.
However,
the battle is not yet ended. The woman friends of Social-Democracy
must stand to their guns. The opposing forces will work quietly
energetically. Our side must follow their example. Each One Women One
Voter must bring another woman friend with her to the next general
meeting of the Women's Equal Suffrage Association and frustrate the
tactics of the Property Voters, whose aim is to flood the country
with petitions in favour of the franchise to women on the basis of
that now granted to men, in the hope of the Fat Man that extensively
signed petitions of such a character will be taken as an index that
the women of Queensland are not in favour of either One Man One vote
or One Women One Vote. They must not be afraid of driving the wealthy
Property Voters out of the association. These women may be disposed
to find the necessary funds for carrying on the work but our
experience is that working women and girls and sympathisers with
working women and girls are as generous as the Fat Man and his wife.
The WORKER pledges the A.L.F. to assist the movement. The bushmen of
Queensland have an organisation which can and will distribute and
collect petitions in all parts of the colony. There is no need for
fear. There is every ground for hope. All that is necessary is that
the whole soulled, generous, justice loving women who believe in One
Woman One Vote shall be true to themselves, and they must succeed in
obtaining the same rights as their New Zealand sisters who, surely,
are not more intelligent than the women of Queensland.
It
appears the Labour Party, amongst which were three or four members,
have been adversely criticised for being present at the last and the
previous woman suffrage meeting. Some of even our own workers appear
to think we might better have remained away; that we committed
“tactical blunders;” and that the agitation would do no good.
This all depends on the view taken of the true tactics of the advance
guard of the Labour movement. If it were better to allow the cunning
, under ground engineering, Fat Man's Party to use their ladies for
the purpose of working up an agitation which would strengthen the
plural vote of the Fat Man, weaken the forces of Labour, and thus
keep the Labour Party out of Parliament – as one of the
promoters of the Women's Suffrage Movement in Queensland was
incautious enough to acknowledge as the aim of herself and some of
her friends – then the Labour agitators and their wives, sisters,
and friends should have remained away and allowed the Fat Man and
his wife a free hand. But if the experience of Labour is that
Labour will never get anything by allowing the Fat Man to pull the
strings of all public meetings and so create that public opinion
which has such a tremendous influence on the persons who never attend
public meetings; if the Labour agitators knew, as they did know,
that, although our One-women-one-vote possessed as much brains and
ability as their wealthy sisters, they who attended the meeting were
likely to be outwitted by the cunning of the Fat Man's organisers who
had packed the meeting, and had the order of procedure “cut and
dried;” if the Labour agitators have any consideration for the
hundreds of poor working women whose household duties make it almost
impossible for them to attend a meeting such as that held on Monday
night, and whose want of a decent dress makes it even more impossible
for them to leave home and meet their fellow women who have the good
fortune to be decently attired; then every man who has any influence
in the Labour movement had a right to be present and see that the
women friends of Social-Democracy obtained fair play.
The
hostile press will will accuse us of attempting to disturb a woman's
meeting. What of that? The Labour Party has already been accused of
nearly all the crimes in the calendar – burning sheds, burning
ships, poisoning men, and what not. To say that Labour agitators
wished to disturb a woman's meeting is too, too mild to be felt. “It
droppeth as the gentle rain from heaven” on our well seasoned
sensibilities. The man who expects the daily press to applaud the
efforts of those who work for the Labour movement is very young. If
the Fat Man's press cannot say anything bad and true about the Labour
agitators, it will say something bad and untrue. Anyone with a
year's connection with Labour agitation must recognise this. Labour
must not be led away by the fat Man's orthodox propriety. Orthodox
propriety and decorum on Monday and Wednesday nights meant that the
Fat Man and his wife should be allowed to conduct everything as he
and she desired – without adverse comment or critical question.
Orthodox propriety and decorum would indicate that the Rich Women
should walk over and spurn their poorer sisters as they have done in
the past ever since they (the rich women) managed to partly secure
their social emancipation. Out upon your orthodox propriety if it
means, as Miss bailey puts it, the granting to some rich ladies two
and perhaps ten votes, and depriving some women of any vote at all.
Some
good and earnest women folk appear to think it unwise to ask for one
woman one vote – that it is time enough to ask for equal voting
power when the men abolish the plural vote. But those friends of
reform should not forget that it would be better to abandon asking
for the franchise unless on the basis of one woman one vote, if the
propertied women will – as they undoubtedly will – use their
newly acquired power to fight the too soft-hearted women who assist
them to obtain the property vote. Again life is too short to be
content with reform in such a piecemeal fashion. The women of
Queensland are ready for equal voting power. Like the men, they are
years ahead of the Government and Opposition sides of the Parliament
of this country. The people are always ahead of the Parliament, which
is now and has been dominated by wealthy men and wealthy men's
puppets who can talk – men who will only give the people the rights
they clamour for – men who respect the people only when the
people threaten them with political extinction. The WORKER advises
Labour reformers to attend every public meeting, and see that the
rights of public meeting are not suppressed by a biased chairman, for
it is only by such means that the workers and the workers' wives,
sisters, and friends will be educated up to a sense of their
political and social rights as human beings. W. G. H.
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