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MAHATMA GANDHI ~ Truth never damages a cause that is just.
Thursday, 18 December 2014
Before he flew the black flag, Monis was just a desperate man with a violent past
Modern Islam is a potent grammar for capturing and expressing
grievance. Lone wolves like Sydney Siege gunman Man Haron Monis must tap
into its symbols to sustain their fantasies
‘The siege has become an episode in a global war, announced by white calligraphy on black fabric.’ Photograph: AP
The gesture that turned the Sydney siege from a gunman’s crime into an act of terrorism was the unveiling of the Islamic flag across the Lindt cafe’s window.
The human loss was sad enough. Now the siege has become an episode in
a global war, announced by white calligraphy on black fabric.
The flag’s Arabic brought into view – and again into contest – foreign Islam as a radical opposite.
The hijacker knew its impact. He banked on it. He played for it. The
contrast of the black flag with Lindt’s Christmas decorations couldn’t
have been sharper – celebration against disruption, festival against
siege.
The initial lines from the siege have been the typical ones: there
was some political motivation that explained Monis’s use of the Islamic
flag. He was either an authentic representative of “radical” Islam, or a
disaffected lone wolf who had no real right to the symbols of Islam.
But Man Haron Monis had no deeper “political” motivation behind his
use of the flag. He did not belong to any official terror organisation.
The pack he belongs to is the group of isolated people who are
brought together by a sense of alienation, frustration, a breakdown in
social bonds, and their use of the symbolism and language of violence.
The lone wolf’s fantasises of returning us to the “real” of Iraq,
Syria, and the Islamic State all come after the flag is flown, not
before it. Before he displayed the flag, he was just another gunman.
Afterwards, the symbol rewrote Monis’s violent past and gave grammar to
his attack.
Hours into the siege, a second symbol emerged. Monis, a Shia who
claimed a recent conversion to Sunni Islam, demanded that the flag of
the Islamic State (Isis)
be brought to him. This was jarring, and telling. It said everything
that needed to be said: he needed the correct flag for the fantasy to
continue.
The
main point here is to recognise how the fantasy itself cannot reproduce
itself without making an appeal to Islamic symbols as foreign and
threatening. It is the flag that calls forward the fantasy; behind it,
Monis went from being a desperate and haphazard captor to the authentic
representative of an international radical movement.
Mainstream Muslims have typically asked for a view beyond narrow
symbols and stereotypes. Take a closer look, we’re normal Australians,
and so forth.
By calling for respect – even if such a call is just for our own
catharsis – we hope to combat generalisations and win back our religion
from the radical few. We request at least a nod to our diversity, our
humanity, our moderate tradition.
It has become habitual to suggest that the stereotype of the Muslim
as a violent threat comes from a distorted reading of Islam – that the
lone wolf radical is a perverted version of the everyday Muslim.
Such is the power of the symbol of radical Islam, where the central
testimony of the religion – the Shahada – is turned into a radical’s
standard, that we might now have to concede that the reality is the
opposite of our hopes. That the symbols of our religion, lost to the
matrix of debates and images within global media, have a life greater
than our own.
It is the stereotype that really lives, exercising a distorting influence on the everyday Muslim.
What we are fighting is the knowledge that Islam, in its modern
manifestation, is a potent grammar for grievance and retaliation. Both
Islam’s critics and its lone wolves understand this. Its symbols explain
catastrophe, fear, departure – even as they invoke God.
Whatever Monis’s motivation, background, political readings of
events, whatever ill-driven desire he had, is not somehow “hidden”
behind a religious narrative. The truly scary thought is that he is a
symptom of the religious narrative of today; he is part of the religious
narrative, not outside it. Religion,
in its deepest anomie, is often evoked as a particular counter-culture,
instead of as a substantial way of organising life. So often what
legitimises it is not its truth-claims, but the rather the way it allows
its subjects to express their innermost feelings against modern
progressive attitudes.
The truly suffocating realisation is this: the symbol of violence
itself is motivation enough to send the lone wolves into the streets, to
cause violence against the modern world from which they are alienated.
Is it not that the very style of these messages repeats that Islam is
the radical Other? Like automatons, those with grievances, with
criminal pasts awaiting trial, have now learned the phraseology of
otherness and resistance, through the employment of symbols.
Beneath that black flag lurks some unspeakably monstrous dimension,
exposed through attacks like Monis’s. The spectre of the violent
jihadist haunts our social imaginary. In response, that imaginary has
become a place to play, and a place to redeem criminality and
intolerance by turning them into a false pursuit of justice.
Monis’s use of the flag was detached from the reality the symbols of
Islam ought to represent. It was detached from the communities who own
these symbols. It was detached from knowledge, detached from debates,
detached from Islamic law. It was detached even from his own life.
Perhaps most tellingly, it was detached from Isis itself, who would
never have accepted him, and need not accept him to carry out violence
in their flag’s name.
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