Extract from The Monthly
Monday, 5th October
2015
I watched (through
gritted teeth, naturally) last week’s slobber fest between Tony
Abbott and Ray Hadley, and the slightly less cloying effort a couple
of days later with Neil Mitchell; and I was immediately reassured.
Everything was
completely okay; there had been no change, there would be no change,
there should be no change. The economy was recovering, security was
impregnable, global warming was totally under control, gay marriage
was still off. Oh, and incidentally we should mention that we have
stopped the boats. All was for the best in the best of all possible
worlds, Abbott-land.
There was not a hint of
contrition or apology, not even bare acknowledgement that perhaps,
just perhaps, that when a substantial majority of his own party room
had joined the wider public in despairing of the man, there could
have been something amiss. If it hadn’t been a failure of nerve
from his cowering and pusillanimous supporters, his gutsy budget
would have delivered him triumph, not only in the Canning by-election
but in the national poll that would have followed. Glory, glory
hallelujah.
This orgy of
self-congratulation was applauded by the usual suspects, notably
Hadley himself, Andrew Bolt, Alan Jones and Greg Sheridan; and even
the less besotted granted him indulgence. At least he tried; but he
failed, and most were very pleased that he is gone. But he is not in
fact going away at all; as the last few days showed, there will be
plenty of opportunities to kick Tony Abbott around for a while yet.
He is not going to
contemplate his future until at least Christmas, and that must be an
ongoing concern for the new political order. Abbott is not about to
attempt a comeback to the prime ministership; not even the most
devoted of his minions are deluded enough to consider that a real
possibility.
But he clearly
envisages a major role within the government, something akin to that
of a perpetual godfather, with all the blood and angst that this
entails. He will be the keeper of the holy relics of his two chaotic
years; like most holy relics they will be more myth than reality, but
he is determined to preserve and enhance them nonetheless.
And in spite of all the
protestations of no sniping, no white-anting, he does not intend to
hold back. He is not ready to forgive Malcolm Turnbull; Abbott’s
Christianity is not of the turn-the-other-cheek variety. And, more
worryingly, his argument with Scott Morrison is unrelenting. It is
not disputed that Abbott made a last-minute bid to offer Morrison a
joint ticket to run as deputy, but then it gets messy.
Whether he spelt it out
or not, Morrison naturally assumed that as deputy he would have the
prerogative of selecting his own portfolio, and of course that it
would be treasury. Joe Hockey would go under the bus. But Abbott
maintains that there would have been no point in delivering a blood
sacrifice to his opponents; it was his scalp they were after. The
problem is that he was perfectly willing to toss Julie Bishop onto
the altar; apparently the only victim to be spared was his
bond-maiden Peta Credlin.
His concern for Hockey
is not entirely believable and certainly not gracious. But it is
very, very, Abbott. Like that other mad monk, Rasputin, he will be
very hard to kill off.
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