*THE
WORKER*
Brisbane,
March 2, 1895.
The
Editorial Mill.
Our
Motto: “Socialism in our time.”
In
all the long history of the struggles of the workers against the
oppression of their masters, the bitter fight for existence on the
part of producers against the exploiters who produce nothing, the
story of which forums, as Karl Marx showed, “the whole of mankind,”
it has ever been that when the toilers became rampant, threatening to
shake off the shackles that bound them and assert once and for all
their own industrial freedom and that of the whole civilised world.
At the same time some cute boodler, more cunning than his fellows,
has raised some parrot cry which, deluding the toiling masses, has
effectually turned them from the immediate pursuit of their own
emancipation, and will-o'-the-wisp like, lured them yet deeper into
the sloughs. How “history repeats itself.” The Chartists in
England, rising to secure “their own” and menacing the supremacy
of the new Machinery Lords, who themselves were beginning to
overwhelm all other Lords were cunningly and basely deluded by those
leaders of the new plutocracy, Richard Cobden and John Bright, with
their cry of “Freetrade and the Cheap Loaf.” Snatching at the
phantom shadow the Chartists found only too late that the Cheap Loaf
with Lower Wages left them little better off than before. The “dear
loaf” meant higher wages, since the worker must live and must
always be allowed by those for whom he toils sufficient to exist
upon, whether bread be cheap or dear, otherwise the game of the
thieves would end. The worker would die and could toil for others no
more. Which is just why they are always allowed to exist, and
maintained in just sufficient health and strength to toil –
providing they are not too numerous. Then the weaklings had better
die off, because, if they can't work, their existence is is still a
charge upon the poor-rates in England or government charity in the
Workingman's Paradise, and these funds are taken from the profits
which the workers make for those who employ them.
*
* *
And
so in Queensland in 1888. Up to that period the workers bid fair to
shortly lead the van in the world's progress towards industrial
(which includes political) freedom. “Socialism in our time” then
looked practicable and immediately near for Queensland. “Leading
politicians” were coquetting with “labour” questions, and the
learned author of Wealth and Want” talked knowingly and feelingly
of “securing to the workers the full proceeds of their toil.” But
again were the masses deluded. And this time, forsooth, by the
bloated M'Ilwraith, with his talk of “Nationalism” and his
promised “big loaf.” It is remarkable how all these “leading
politicians” attain office and power by “playing down” (as they
call it) to the workers. Making endless promises without the
slightest intention of keeping them – unless it should afterwards
happen to suit them – and once securely entrenched, defying the
very people who placed and maintain them in their “exalted”
positions.
*
* *
In
New South Wales last year a fat but aspiring “leading politician”
attained power and is to-day Premier of that colony by this very
process. “Planks” of the labour Platform were adopted by this
unctuous “leader,” and advocated with unblushing audacity and
their immediate fulfilment brazenly promised. So “advanced” was
this new political “democrat” that a section even of the
plutocrats were deceived, and set themselves about forming a
“Property Defence Association” to resist the monstrous Land Tax
proposals of Mr. “Wriggler” Reid. Fools they were for their
pains. Mr. Reid fixed up his new ministry in the best drawing room of
Sydney Burdekin, the millionaire landowner, who would be called upon
to pay something like sixty thousand pounds a year (£3000
a month) additional taxation under the original taxation proposals of
Mr. Reid. If the silly members of the Property defence Association
were frightened, Burdekin wasn't. Not much! He knew his man and that
his rents were safe in the hands of the victorious schemer.
“Wriggler” Reid had no sooner achieved victory at the polls than
his 4d. in the £
(with the hope that a 1/2d. would suffer) substituted. Before the
election, the land tax was to be an accomplished fact immediately,
and the first thing to be tackled. Before the re-election of the new
ministers the land tax had been shunted a long way down the platform
in favour of “more urgent and important matters.” On the
assembling of the new Parliament the vaunted land tax was promptly
shunted further still – into “next session.” And now “next
session” is to be completely over shadowed and, if possible, for
ever lost sight of in the glorious effulgence of the great cause of
Federation. What matters it that Chameleon Reid has been the most
bitter and consistent opponent of Federation. Do not all the great
“leading politicians” changes sides with the course of events,
while their logic so gracefully fits the times and reconciles changes
that to common minds would be inconceivable. Why, look at Parkes and
Dibbs, M'Ilwraith and our own Griffith, Gillies and Patterson, and
all the noble procession of great “statement” of whom proud
Australia boasts, and whose records of broken pledges and faithless
deeds have brought honourable distinction to our grateful country and
to these great men from an Imperial throne.
*
* *
Sir
Henry Parkes, speaking in this connection the other day, said:
Mr.
Reid I regard simply as a babbling lunatic, who could not serve the
colony even if he had any honest desire to do so. He lacks capacity,
acquaintance with the country, with the principles of government, and
with the English people. You may use that if you like.
And
if anybody knows Reid, Parkes ought to. Reid himself says:
The
fortune of war has placed the cause of federation in my hands, and it
only remains for me to exert myself loyally and to the best of my
ability to secure the great consummation.
And
maybe he is about right. But although Reid just now is the temporary
leader, it must not be supposed that it means anything to him more
than a means to retain office, while shelving the land tax and going
back on all his most solemn promises. By its aid he hopes to do this,
but further, the glittering prospect of office at the head of a
Federal Government, should he succeed, has now begun to dazzle his
eyes, and for success he will become anything. For the deeper meaning
of Federation we must look back to the Federal Convention of 1890 and
to Parkes and Griffith as as the “devil's advocates,” whose
rhetoric and specious arguments have blinded so successfully so many
of the workers and infatuated them with a desire for what will only
mean a worse enthralment than now holds them.
*
* *
We
see how, to-day, this cry of Federation – which will leave the
workers just as hungry and just as ill-clad and just as poor as ever
– is being used in N.S.W. to stem the tide of reform and to baulk
the will of the people. And the people of Queensland should see to it
that this same cry is not raised with far more sinister intent.
Reform is difficult enough to effect as things are, with our cumbrous
and effete Parliamentary methods. But what will it be when these
“checks to hasty legislation” are multiplied; when Federal
“Constitution” blocks the way and when the would-be advances of
an awakened community can and will be blocked by other colonies which
yet in ignorance, rest in the grip of the capitalistic classes?
Organised Capital controls the machinery of Government and the
physical forces, supplied and maintained by the people, to be turned
against the latter whenever the interests of the employers demand. In
the bush strike of 1891 the whole military and police forces of
Queensland were utilised by the organised employers to defeat the
resistance of the bush workers against a further reduction of the
standard of living. Some difficulty was experienced where men
hesitated to fight against their fellow workers. But given a Federal
Union of Australia and Federal Troops would be available at the hands
of the Banks (who really employ the employers) to vanquish and subdue
the workers in either colony. There would be less reluctance on the
part of hirelings from other colonies to fight the white workers here
than there was on the part of the Defence Force men in '91 to fight
their fellow unionists, as many of the bushmen were. And if for no
other reason than this, that the physical forces at the command of
the Federal Capitalistic Government would be sufficient to enable the
employers' unions to crush the workers wherever they raised their
heads to demand better conditions. Federation, as it is now proposed,
and upon the conditions on which it now can only be obtained, should
be resisted to the utmost.
*
* *
We
have “constitooshuns” enough to block us now at every turn. Let
us resist all efforts to multiply these frightful encumbrances until
the people in most of the colonies have risen supreme. Then it will
be time enough to frame one constitution which shall be elastic
enough to permit any and every reform or change which the people may
demand. And while all this time is being wasted over a useless effort
to manufacture a constitution that will be out of date and in need of
complete amendment as soon as obtained, all the pressing needs of the
workers everywhere are to be shelved. Sixty thousand unemployed men
stalk about New South Wales, while a Premier, pledged to settle their
difficulty at once, makes this useless Federation his first business
and wastes the time of Parliament upon it.
*
* *
Observe
how this “Conference of Premiers” proposes to bring this mighty
business to pass, While two or three Premiers were willing to allow
the members of the proposed convention, who are to draft the new
constitution, to be elected on the basis of one man one vote, they
were overborne by the remaining double-dyed Tories, including Premier
Nelson, it was eventually decided that the elections were “to be
conducted under the franchise by which members are returned to the
representative assemblies.” We know what this means in Queensland
under the Tozerian system, where 2 out of every 3 male adults have no
vote at all; 2 out of the remaining 3 – being workers – have one
vote each; while the remaining 1, by the female vote, is enabled to
outvote the 2 who, having votes, are nevertheless in many causes
prevented from exercising them. How it worked out at the last general
election we all knew and Nelson knows too.
*
* *
Almost
as vehement as Mr. Nelson against the people having any voice in the
matter was Sir John Forest, of West Australia, of whom Premier Reid
says: “His attitude was contemptuous and hostile to any scheme for
a popularly elected convention.” The character of this beautiful
scheme may easily be judged when it is reported that “As the bill
was originally drafted by Mr. Kingston it was regarded by Mr. Turner
as a little too Democratic,” so it was amended “in the direction
of making it more acceptable to the legislative councils.” That is
to say that the people of this and all colonies are to voluntarily
submit to be enthralled by a Federal Convention elected under a bill
which is first of all to be made “acceptable to the legislative
councils.” The convention, elected in this way, is to finally frame
the precious constitution and “within 14 days of the conclusion of
the labours of the convention the referendum is to be taken,” the
various colonies having the right only to either accept or reject it
without further amendment. But although in two or three of the
colonies the referendum may be permitted, it will be seen from the
attitude of Sir John Forest and Mr. Nelson that this reference to the
people will not be universal. The report of the conference states
that “Mr. Nelson, Premier of Queensland, is still determined to
secure the ratification of the constitution by whatever means the
Queensland Parliament thinks desirable, irrespective of the
referendum resolution.” What Parliaments in Queensland can do is
best judged by what they have done in the past. The fact is that
should Federation be accomplished in the near future, with such men
as Nelson, Tozer and Byrnes in power, Queensland will have no voice
whatever in the matter, but will simply have in future to submit to
the Reids, Turners and Forests of the other colonies as well as
native despots, and her “last state will be worse than the first.”
The workers should clearly see that they have some chance of fighting
the employers in sections, but against a capitalistic federation
backed by federal hireling troops, the fight for better conditions
under which to live will be an almost hopeless struggle for years to
come. Let us first raise ourselves to the level of free men and then,
as a free nation, hold out the hand of fellowship to our brethren
everywhere, just as we do now in our bondage of wage-slavery.
Meanwhile let us insist that our Parliament gives its immediate
attention to our more pressing needs, or prepare to send it to limbo
at the earliest possible.
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