The Washington Post editorial board issued one of the more dire
warnings. “By his declaration, Mr Trump will inaugurate a new, imperial
phase of his presidency,” an editorial warned.
The public does not appear to be with the president. The hashtag, #FakeTrumpEmergency, was among the top five trending topics Friday morning in the United States on Twitter. Only 32% of Americans favor the declaration in polling on average, with 65% opposed, polling analyst Nate Silver pointed out.
That support could shrink if the wall funding is perceived as distracting from other necessary work. The declaration appears to give Trump the power to shift funding for military construction – as much as $21bn in unobligated military construction funding might be available, congressional aides told Foreign Policy – or from the US Army Corps of Engineers, which operates dams and is responsible for flood control and wildfire protections, wetland restoration and environmental stewardship.
But before such diversion of funding happens, the declaration could die in court. The justice department has advised the White House that the declaration was likely to be blocked in the courts, ABC News reported.
The Democratic Attorneys General Association, which counts members in 26 states, released a statement saying they would not hesitate to challenge the declaration.
“We will not hesitate to use our legal authority to defend the rule of law, as we did in our previous lawsuits, such as protecting Daca recipients and standing up against the President’s attempts to separate children from their families,” the statement said. Daca refers to an immigration amnesty program called Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals.
NAACP Legal Defense fund president Sherrilyn Ifill also vowed to challenge the declaration. “With this move the president makes clear that the only unifying theme of his immigration policy is animus towards people of color,” she said in a statement. “Simply put: our foreign policy should never be dictated by racism or vanity.”
Many analysts see significant hurdles in court for the emergency declaration, just as federal court rulings from Hawaii to Virginia blocked various iterations of Trump’s attempted Muslim travel ban.
Harry Litman, a former deputy assistant attorney general in the Bill Clinton administration, wrote last month that “Trump has decent legal arguments on his side” under cover of the 1976 National Emergencies Act, which was meant to restrict situations in which the president might declare an emergency – and limits the duration of emergencies to 180 days, barring renewal – but had the unintended effect of formalizing the presidential power.
“The pivotal legal question is likely to be whether the courts defer to Trump’s determination as president or whether they review it independently,” Litman wrote. “Will the question be framed as ‘is there an emergency?’ or ‘Did the president plausibly conclude that there is an emergency?’”
Working against Trump is that there are no signs of an emergency afoot apart from his continual assertions on the matter. Border-crossing apprehensions hit a 46-year low in 2017, according to US customs and border protection figures. The Department of Homeland Security estimated undetected illegal border crossings dropped by more than 90% between 2006 and 2016.
“I just don’t think this is going to amount to much or have a long legacy,” tweeted Juliette Kayyem, a former DHS official under president Obama and a lecturer at Harvard. “It will get tied up in courts. Pelosi has a counter plan. It’s a bad norm, but it’s up to next president to reestablish those. It’s pathetic more than anything else. Did I say pathetic?”
Conservatives expressed distress at the president’s action, calling it anti-conservative.
“I remember when being Republican meant being for the rule of law, against unchecked executive authority, and for separation of powers,” tweeted Paul Rosenzweig, a professor at George Washington University law school and former homeland security official in the George W Bush administration. “Call me old school. I still am.”
The public does not appear to be with the president. The hashtag, #FakeTrumpEmergency, was among the top five trending topics Friday morning in the United States on Twitter. Only 32% of Americans favor the declaration in polling on average, with 65% opposed, polling analyst Nate Silver pointed out.
That support could shrink if the wall funding is perceived as distracting from other necessary work. The declaration appears to give Trump the power to shift funding for military construction – as much as $21bn in unobligated military construction funding might be available, congressional aides told Foreign Policy – or from the US Army Corps of Engineers, which operates dams and is responsible for flood control and wildfire protections, wetland restoration and environmental stewardship.
But before such diversion of funding happens, the declaration could die in court. The justice department has advised the White House that the declaration was likely to be blocked in the courts, ABC News reported.
The Democratic Attorneys General Association, which counts members in 26 states, released a statement saying they would not hesitate to challenge the declaration.
“We will not hesitate to use our legal authority to defend the rule of law, as we did in our previous lawsuits, such as protecting Daca recipients and standing up against the President’s attempts to separate children from their families,” the statement said. Daca refers to an immigration amnesty program called Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals.
NAACP Legal Defense fund president Sherrilyn Ifill also vowed to challenge the declaration. “With this move the president makes clear that the only unifying theme of his immigration policy is animus towards people of color,” she said in a statement. “Simply put: our foreign policy should never be dictated by racism or vanity.”
Many analysts see significant hurdles in court for the emergency declaration, just as federal court rulings from Hawaii to Virginia blocked various iterations of Trump’s attempted Muslim travel ban.
Harry Litman, a former deputy assistant attorney general in the Bill Clinton administration, wrote last month that “Trump has decent legal arguments on his side” under cover of the 1976 National Emergencies Act, which was meant to restrict situations in which the president might declare an emergency – and limits the duration of emergencies to 180 days, barring renewal – but had the unintended effect of formalizing the presidential power.
“The pivotal legal question is likely to be whether the courts defer to Trump’s determination as president or whether they review it independently,” Litman wrote. “Will the question be framed as ‘is there an emergency?’ or ‘Did the president plausibly conclude that there is an emergency?’”
Working against Trump is that there are no signs of an emergency afoot apart from his continual assertions on the matter. Border-crossing apprehensions hit a 46-year low in 2017, according to US customs and border protection figures. The Department of Homeland Security estimated undetected illegal border crossings dropped by more than 90% between 2006 and 2016.
“I just don’t think this is going to amount to much or have a long legacy,” tweeted Juliette Kayyem, a former DHS official under president Obama and a lecturer at Harvard. “It will get tied up in courts. Pelosi has a counter plan. It’s a bad norm, but it’s up to next president to reestablish those. It’s pathetic more than anything else. Did I say pathetic?”
Conservatives expressed distress at the president’s action, calling it anti-conservative.
“I remember when being Republican meant being for the rule of law, against unchecked executive authority, and for separation of powers,” tweeted Paul Rosenzweig, a professor at George Washington University law school and former homeland security official in the George W Bush administration. “Call me old school. I still am.”
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